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PICKET!
AND HIS MEN

LASALLE CORBELL PICKETT

(MRS. GEN. GEORGE E. PICKETT)

SECOND EDITION

ATLANTA, GA.

THE FOOTE & DAVIES COMPANY

PRINTERS AND BINDERS

1900

All riff Jits reserved.

DEDICATION.

To my husband, the noble leader of that band of heroes whose deeds
are sparkling jewels set in the history of the great Army of Northern Vir
ginia, I would gladly inscribe this book — to him alone, to whom my life
has been dedicated; but remembering how often, in the humility of his
great soul, he has said, "I did not do it — my men did it all," I feel that
he would be better pleased to know that the brave men whom he led
through those four long, dark years have held a high place in my thought
as I have written. Hence —

To the men of Pickett's Division, who yet clasp hands with me in
the friendship that was cemented in blood to grow stronger through all
the passing years, and to the memory of those who have gone from our
sight to be ever present in our hearts and on the most glorious page of
our country's history, this volume is lovingly dedicated.

M~~

PREFACE.

Why do I write this book? To add my tribute to the
memory of my hero husband and the noble men who fol
lowed him through the trials, dangers and hardships of a
four years' war. The impulse which moves me is love,
and I have endeavored that nothing should be written un
worthy of that motive. If anything expressed or implied
shall give pain to any, whether he wore the gray or the
blue, it is contrary to the purpose or the wishes of the
author — contrary to the chivalrous soul of the soldier
and patriot, George E. Pickett, whose courage and con
stancy this work is intended to commemorate.

In the compilation of this record the reader must know
that I could not bring personal witness to the events de
scribed. They are based upon the official and other re
ports of eye-witnesses and participants. In treating of
the maneuvers and engagements herein mentioned, I have
excluded every disparaging statement which the facts of
history and justice to all participants would possibly per
mit. I have purposely avoided reading histories of the
conflict by authors on both sides, and based my own nar
rative upon original material, to avoid the possibility of
traveling over ground already covered by others.

Upon the battle-field I visited last year grew a wonder
ful wealth of white daisies, piled drift upon drift like the
ba^nks of snow that glitter in the light of the winter sun.
So blossom the flowers of peace and love and hope in the
hearts which yet fondly cherish the memory of the long-
gone days of darkness and of blood.

VIII PREFACE.

Though the dream nation about which Clustered so
many beautiful visions will never take its place among
the courts and powers of the world; though the ideal
which led the South through efforts of heroism not sur
passed in all the records of the world will never be crys
tallized into that reality known to mortal eyes, yet in that
higher realm of thought, where the ideal is the true real,
it dwells in transcendent glory which transmutes into a
golden veil of light the war-clouds by which it was en
shrouded.

That dream nation did not crumble into ruins and fade
away into naught. The setting sun reflected from its
gleaming minarets makes more radiant the light by which
our united country marches on its way to national glory
The bells in its towers ring out a paean to swell the grand
symphony which circles the world.

The gallant sons of heroic fathers who fell on battle
fields of North and South now stand together to defend
our common country. Side by side North and South are
marching against the foe; step by step they keep time
to the mingled notes of "The Star-Spangled Banner" and
"Dixie," blending into the noblest battle-hymn that ever
thrilled the heart of soldier to deeds immortal.

Three phases of loyalty sway the Southern heart to
day — loyalty to memory, loyalty to present duty, loyalty
to hope. There is no rivalry among these phases of the
same noble sentiment. Together they work for the evolu
tion of a regenerated nation. He who is untrue to the
past is recreant to the present and faithless to the future.

LASALLE CORBELL PICKETT.

WASHINGTON, D. C.,

August 15, 1898.

CONTENTS.

CKAPTEK. PAGE.

I. — THE FALL OF RICHMOND 1-9

II. — ANXIETY, SUSPENSE, LONELINESS 10-16

III. — "WHOA, LUCY" 17-21

IV. — GEORGE JUNIOR'S FIRST GREENBACK 22-28

V. — " SKOOKUM TUM-TUM " 29~33

VI. — CARPET-BAG, BASKET AND BABY 34-46

VII. — " EDWARDS is BETTER " . 47-51

VIII. — ONE WOMAN REDEEMED THEM ALT 52-60

IX. — A FAMILIAR FACE 61-66

X. — VISITORS, SHILLING A DOZEN — OUR LEFT-HANDERS 67-76

XI. — BORN WITH EMERALDS — NEMO NOCETUR . . . 77-85

XII.— TURKEY ISLAND 86-89

XIII. — MEXICAN AND INDIAN WARS 90-98

XIV. — SAN JUAN 99-110

XV. — SAN JUAN CONTINUED 111-125

XVI. — PICKETT'S WEST POINT APPOINTMENT AND MILITARY

SERVICES IN THE UNITED STATES ARMY . . 126-129

XVII. — SLAVERY 130-138

XVIII. — SECESSION , . i39~I53

XIX. AT YORKTOWN AND WlLLIAMSBURG 154-161

XX.— SEVEN PINES 162-174

XXI. — GAINES'S MILL 175-186

XXII. — FRAZIER'S FARM 187-190

XXIII. — SECOND MANASSAS 191-194

XXIV. — ANTIETAM 195-204

XXV. — REORGANIZATION 205-211

XXVI. — PICKETT'S GENERALS 212-218

XXVII.— FREDERICKSBURG 219-232

XXVIII.— " DOGS OF WAR" IN LEASH 233-235

XXIX. — FORAGING EXPEDITION — SUFFOLK 236-239

XXX. — CHANCELLORSVILLE 240-249

XXXI. — THE HIGH TIDE OF THE CONFEDERACY . «, . . 250-256

XXXII.— PENNSYLVANIA CAMPAIGN 257-266

CONTENTS.

XXXIII. — GETTYSBURG — FIRST DAY . . . . *. . 267-279

XXXIV. — GETTYSBURG — SECOND DAY 280-292

XXXV. — GETTYSBURG — THIRD DAY 293-309

XXXVI.— WHERE WERE THE GUNS? 310-314

XXXVII. — DETAILED FOR SPECIAL DUTY 3*5-323

XXXVIII. — TWICE TEARS TO SMILES 324-329

XXXIX. — NEWBERN 330-336

XL. — PICKETT'S VOLUNTARY DEFENSE OF PETERSBURG . 337-344
XLI. — A STRANGE BIRTHDAY CELEBRATION .... 345-351

XLII. — COLD HARBOR 352-356

XLIII. — "LEE'S MISERABLES " 357-361

XLIV. — THE BERMUDA HUNDRED LINES 362-370

XLV. — THE PEACE COMMISSION — THE LAST REVIEW OF

PICKETT'S DIVISION 371-378

XLVI. — ON TO DINWIDDIE COURT-HOUSE 379-384

XLVII.— FIVE FORKS . . 385-398

XLVIII. — SAILOR'S CREEK 399-407

XLIX. — THE BLUE AND THE GRAY 408-422

APPENDIX 425-429

INDEX 431-439

INTRODUCTION.

The distinguished subject of these memoirs I first
met as a cadet at West Point in the heyday of his bright
young manhood, in 1842. Upon graduating he was as
signed to the regiment to which I had been promoted,
the Eighth United States Infantry, and Lieutenant Pickett
served gallantly with us continuously until, for merito
rious service, he was promoted captain in 1856. He served
with distinguished valor in all the battles of General
Scott in Mexico, including the siege of Vera Cruz, and
was always conspicuous for gallantry. He was the first to
scale the parapets of Chapultepec on the I3th of Septem
ber, 1847, and was the brave American who unfurled our
flag over the castle, as the enemy's troops retreated, firing
at the splendid Pickett as he floated our victorious colors.

In memory I can see him, of medium height, of grace
ful build, dark, glossy hair, worn almost to his shoulders in
curly waves, of wondrous pulchritude and magnetic pres
ence, as he gallantly rode from me on that memorable
3d day of July, 1863, saying in obedience to the impera
tive order to which I could only bow assent, "I will lead
my division forward, General Longstreet." He was de
voted to his martial profession, tolerating no rival near
the throne, except the beautiful, charming and talented
lady, whose bright genius and loyal heart have penned
these memoirs to her noble soldier husband, and who,
since he left her, has fought, single-handed and alone, the
battle of life. Of her and other ex-Confederate widows
it can be said that they have, since the war between the

XII INTRODUCTION.

States, fought as fierce battles as ever their wjirrior hus
bands waged, for in the silent passages of the heart many
severer battles are waged than were ever fought at Get
tysburg.

George E. Pickett's greatest battle was really at Five
Forks, April I, 1865, where his plans and operations were
masterful and skilful, and if they had been executed as
he designed them, there might have been no Appomat-
tox, and despite the disparity of overwhelming numbers,
a brilliant victory would have been his, if reinforcements
which he had every reason to expect had opportunely
reached him; but they were not ordered in season and
did not join the hard-pressed Pickett until night, when
his position had long since been attacked by vastly su
perior numbers with repeating rifles.

He was of an open, frank and genial temperament, but
he felt very keenly the distressing calamities entailed
upon his beloved Sunny South by the results of the war,
yet with the characteristic fortitude of a soldier, he bowed
with resignation to the inevitable, gracefully accepted the
situation, recognized the duty of the unfortunate to ac
cept the results in no querulous spirit, and felt his obliga
tion to share its effects.

No word of blame, or censure even, of his superior offi
cers ever escaped Pickett's lips, but he nevertheless felt
profoundly the sacrifice of his gallant soldiers whom he
so loved. At Five Forks he had a desperate but a fight
ing chance, and if any soldier could have snatched victory
from defeat, it was the intrepid Pickett, and it was cruel
to leave that brilliant and heroic leader and his Spartan
band to the same hard straits they so nobly met at Gettys
burg. At Five Forks Pickett lost more men in thirty
minutes than we lost, all told, in the recent Spanish-
American war from bullets, wounds, sickness or any

INTRO D UCTION.

other casualty, showing the unsurpassed bravery with
which Pickett fought, and the tremendous odds and in
superable disadvantages under and against which this in
comparable soldier so bravely contended; but with George
E. Pickett, whether fighting under the stars and stripes at
Chapultepec, or under the stars and bars at Gettysburg,
duty was his polar star, and with him duty was above con
sequences, and, at a crisis, he would throw them over
board. Fiat Justitia, pereat mundus.

11 Green be the turf above thee,

Friend of my better days!
None knew thee but to love thee,
Nor named thee but to praise. "

JAMES LONGSTREET.

GAINESVILLE, GEORGIA,

October 12, 1898.

PICKETTAND HIS MEN.

CHAPTER I.

' j J / ^ O O 0 .» > '

THE FALL OF RICHMOND.

When some one applied to President Lincoln for a
pass to go into Richmond, he gravely replied:

" I don't know about that; I have given passes to about
two hundred and fifty thousand men to go there during
the last two years, and not one of them has got there
yet/'

Some of those passes had been used and their bearers
had arrived at last, having made the slowest time on rec
ord since the first camel bore the pioneer traveler over
an Oriental desert. The queen city of the South had
fallen. The story of the great nation which had hovered
upon the horizon of our visions had been written out to
its last sorrowful word.

On the morning of Sunday, April 2, in the holy calm
of St. Paul's Church, we had assembled to ask the
great Father of heaven and earth to guard our loved
ones and give victory to the cause so dear to us. Sud
denly the glorious sunlight was dimmed by the heavy
cloud of disappointment, and the peace of God was
broken by the deep-voiced bells tolling the death-knell of
our hopes.

There was mad haste to flee from the doomed city.
President Davis and his Cabinet officers were in the

2 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

church, and to them the news first came. They hurried
to the State-house to secure the Confederate archives and
retreat with them to some place of safety.

Fear and dread fell over us all. We were cut off from
our friends and communication with them was impossible.
Oyr/sqldierS might have fallen into the hands of the
eheiny^we'knew not. They might have poured out their
Kffi-'bJoo'd An tfre battle-field — we knew not. In our help
less, 6!eserte"a!' condition, all the world seemed to have
been struck with sudden darkness.

The records having been secured, an order was issued
to General Ewell to destroy the public buildings. The
one thing which could intensify the horrors of our posi
tion — fire — was added to our misfortunes. General J. C.
Breckenridge, our Secretary of War, with a wider hu
manity and a deeper sense of the rights of his people,
tried in vain to have this order countermanded, knowing
that its execution could in no way injure or impede the
victorious army, while it would result in the ruin of many
of our own people. The order was carried out with even
a greater scope than was intended.

The Shockoe warehouse was the first fired, it being re
garded as a public building because it contained certain
stores belonging to France and England. A breeze
springing up suddenly from the south fanned the slowly
flickering flames into a blaze and they mounted upward
until they enwrapped the whole great building. On the
wings of the south wind they were carried to the next
building, and the next, until when the noon hour struck
all the city between Seventh and Fifteenth streets and
Main street and the river was a heap of ashes.

Still the flames raged on. They leaped from house
to house in mad revel. They stretched out great burning
arms on all sides and embraced in deadly clasp the

THE FALL OF RICHMOND. 3

stately mansions which had stood in lofty grandeur from
the olden days of colonial pride. Soon they became tow
ering masses of fire, fluttering immense banners of flame
wildly against the wind, and fell, sending up myriads of
fiery points into the air, sparkling like blazing stars
against the dark curtain that shut out the sky.

A stormy sea of smoke, wave upon wave, surged over
the town — here a billow of blackness that seemed of suf
focating density — there a brilliant cloud, shot through and
through with arrows of crimson fire. The cruel wind
swept on, and the magnificent ocean of smoke and flame
rolled before it in surges of destruction over the once
fair and beautiful city of Richmond.

The terrified cries of women and children arose in
agony above the roaring of the flames, the crashing of
falling buildings, and the trampling of countless feet.

Piles of furniture and wares lay in the streets, as if the
city had struck one great moving-day, when every
thing was taken into the highways, and left there to be
trampled to pieces or buried in the mud.

The government stores were thrown out to be de
stroyed, and a mob gathered around to catch the liquors
as they ran in fiery rivers down the streets. Very soon
was drunkenness added to the confusion and uproar
which reigned over all. The officers of the law, terror-
stricken before the reckless crowd, fled for their lives.
The firemen dared not make any effort to subdue the
flames, fearing an attack from the soldiers who had exe
cuted the order to burn the buildings.

Through the night the fire raged, the sea of darkness
rolled over the town, and crowds of men, women and chil
dren went about the streets laden with what plunder they
could rescue from the flames. The drunken rabble shat
tered the plate-glass windows of the stores and wrecked

4 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

everything upon which they could seize. The populace
had become a frenzied mob, and the kingdom of Satan
seemed to have been transferred to the streets of Rich
mond.

About nine o'clock Monday morning a series of terrific
explosions startled even ears which would seem to have
endured every possible vnriety of painful sounds. Every
window in our home was shattered, and the old plate-glass
mirrors built into the walls were broken. It seemed as if
we were called upon to undergo a bombardment, in addi
tion to all our other misfortunes, but it was soon ascer
tained that the explosions were from the government
arsenal and laboratory, which had now been caught by
the flames. Fort Darling and the rams were blown up.

Every bank was destroyed, the flour-mills had caught
fire, the War Department was in ruins, the offices of the
Enquirer and Dispatch had been reduced to ashes, the
county court-house, the American Hotel, and most of the
finest stores of the city were ruined. The Presbyterian
church had escaped. The flames seemed instinctively to
have avoided Libby Prison, as if not even fire could add
to the horrors of that gloomy place.

While the flames were raging in full force the colored
troops of General Weitzel, who had been stationed on the
north side of the James, a few miles from Richmond, en
tered the city. As I saw th^ir black faces shining through
the gloom of the smoke-environed town, I could not help
thinking that they added the one feature needed, if any
there were, to complete the demoniacal character of the
scene. They were the first colored troops I had ever seen,
and the weird effect produced by their black faces in that in
fernal environment was indelibly impressed upon my mind.

General Weitzel sent Major A. H. Stevens, of the
Fourth Massachusetts Cavalry, and Major E. E. Graves,

THE FALL OF RICHMOND. 5

of his staff, at the head of a hundred mounted men, to
reconnoiter the Richmond roads and works. At the forti
fications beyond the junction of the Osborne turnpike
and New Market road they were met by a flag of truce
waved from a dilapidated old-fashioned carriage drawn
by a pair of skeleton-like horses. The truce party con
sisted of the Mayor of Richmond, Colonel Mayo;
Judge Meredith, of the Supreme Court; Judge Lyons, a
representative man of Virginia, and at one time minister
to England; and a fourth, whom I do not now recall.

The carriage was probably in the early part of the
century what might have been called, if the modern clas
sic style of phraseology had prevailed at that time, a
"tony rig." At the period of which I write, it had made
so many journeys over the famous Virginia roads that it
had become a sepulchral wreck of its former self.

There may have been a time when the reminiscences of
animals that dragged out from the burning capital the
ruins of the stately chariot were a span of gay and gal
lant steeds, arching their necks in graceful pride, champing
their bits in scorn of the idea that harness made by man
could trammel their lofty spirits, pawing the earth in dis
dain of its commonplace coarseness. If so, the lapse of
years and an extended term of Confederate fare had re
duced those noble coursers to shambling memories.

This dignified body, thus borne in impressive man
ner along the highway, had in custody a piece of —
parchment, shall I say? Yes, if I wish to preserve the
historic dignities, after the manner of my good friend,
Judge Lyons. Should I yield to the mandates of historic
truth,! should be compelled to state that it was a frag
ment of — wall-paper.

What of it? The chariot of state might be the wreck
of former grandeur, the horses might be the dimmest of

0 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

(tt)

recollections, the official parchment might be but a torn
bit of wall-paper, turned wrong side out for convenience
in writing. Was not Judge Lyons still Judge Lyons — a
member of Old Dominion aristocracy — a former minister
to the court of St. James? With all the cold and stately
formality with which he might once have presented to
the Queen of England a representative of 1'ie wealth and
culture of his nation, he "had the honor" to introduce
his companions to Major Stevens, and if there was any
lack of dignity in the manner in which the aforesaid slip
of wall-paper was conveyed to that probably astonished
officer, it was from no failure of duty on the part of him
upon whom yet rested some shadow of the royal glory
which pervaded the court of St. James. Upon the un
adorned side of the wall-paper were inscribed these words:

It is proper to formally surrender to the Federal authorities the
city of Richmond, hitherto capital of the Confederate States of America,
and the defenses protecting it up to this time.

Major Stevens courteously accepted the surrender on
behalf of his commanding general, to whom the docu
ment was transmitted, and proceeded to reduce the newly
acquired property to possession by valiantly fighting the
flames which were sturdily disputing ownership with him.

Having utilized to good effect what little remnant of
the fire department he could find, he ordered the stars
and stripes to be raised over the Capitol. Two soldiers
of the Fourth Massachusetts Cavalry, one from Company
E and one from Company H, mounted to the summit of
the Capitol and in a few moments, for the first time in
more than four years, the national flag fluttered unmo
lested in the breezes of the South. The stars of the
Union were saluted, while our "warrior's banner took its
flight to meet the warrior's soul."

THE FALL OF RICHMOND. J

That flag which almost a century before had risen
from the clouds of war, like a star gleaming out through
the darkness of a stormy night, with its design accredited
to both Washington and John Adams, was raised over
Virginia by Massachusetts, in place of the one whose
kinship and likeness to the old banner had never been
entirely destroyed.

In March, 1861, the Confederate Congress adopted
the stars and bars — three horizontal bars of equal width,
the middle one white, the others red, with a blue union
of nine stars in a circle. This was so like the national
flag as to cause confusion. In 1863 this flag was replaced
by a banner with a white field, having the battle-flag (a
red field charged with a blue saltier on which were
thirteen stars) for a union. It was feared that this might
be mistaken for a flag of truce, and was changed by cov
ering the outer half of the field with a vertical red bar.
This was finally adopted as the flag of the Confederate
States of America.

Richmond will testify that the soldiers of Massachu
setts were worthy of the honor of first raising the United
States flag over the Capitol of the Confederacy, and will
also bear witness to the unvarying courtesy of Major
Stevens, and the fidelity with which he kept his trust.

It has seemed appropriate that I should begin my
story with the burning city, for fire has followed me all
my life. My story, I say? Semmes has said: "To
write history we must be a part of that history," My
story has been so closely allied with that of Pickett
and his division that it does not seem quite an in
trusive interpolation for me to appear in the record of
that warrior band. How could I tell the story, and
the way in which that story was written, and not be a
part of it?

5 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Kindled by the vandal hand of General Butler, in re
taliation for the telegram which General GTrant sent to
President Lincoln — "Pickett has bottled up Butler at
Bermuda Hundred" — fire destroyed our beautiful colo
nial home on the James. The good old hero of Ap-
pomattox was my husband's very dear friend, and he
would have been more economical with his telegrams
had he known that his friend must pay so heavy a toll
upon them. The United States government was also
charged enormously heavy rates upon that message, for
the ancestral home stood very far away from the line of
war, and Butler, coming from City Point at an expense
of many millions, made a draft on the war fund out of all
proportion to any beneficent result accomplished by the
gratification of his personal spite.

In the burning of Richmond all my bridal presents
and my household furniture were consumed.

When the General was made president of Southern
agencies for the Washington Life Insurance Company,
we shut up our little cottage home on Turkey Island and
took apartments at the Spotswood Hotel in Richmond.
The following Christmas we went to spend the sacred
season with our dear grandmother — her last Christmas-
tide on earth. On our return the next night, the General
ordered the driver to take us to the Spotswood. " Lawd!
Lawd! Marse Gawge, 'deed an' 'deed, suh, ef I wuz to do
dat I'd be 'bleeged to dribe you smack down ter destruck-
shunment, fer 'fo' de Lawd, suh, de po' ole Spotserd is
dun an' bu'nt up smack down ter de groun' las' night;
yas, suh, dat she did." The occupants of that part of the
building where our rooms were located were burned to
death. Though fire had again robbed us of our effects,
through a merciful Providence our lives had been spared.

To my home in Washington late one night came a

THE FALL OF RICHMOND. 9

poor man who asked for help. He said that he was one
of " Pickett's men" — that he had come to the end of his
rope and had nothing to eat and nowhere to sleep. I
went back to my son's room to get some money, and
thought I smelled something burning. Opening the
door leading down into the basement just beneath my
son's room, a puff of smoke struck me in the face. Hur
rying back to the porch where I had left the man stand
ing, I sent him to the nearest drug-store to give the
alarm. The engines came in time, and for once, by what
seemed a mere accident, I escaped the fate which has fol
lowed me with such unwavering persistence.

A flame of gas, lit by a careless servant, destroyed
the oil portrait of the General, given me by " Pickett's
men." It hung upon my wall, guarded on one side by the
beautiful Confederate flag presented to me by the " Phila
delphia Brigade" and on the other by a handsome United
States flag, a treasured gift from my loved Southland.
The two banners for which so much blood and treas
ure had been sacrificed were fastened together by a scarf
of Confederate gray and Union blue, the design of a deaf
and dumb boy, a son of one of Pickett's men, and met
above the pictured head of the soldier who had fought
so bravely under them both. When the flames were ex
tinguished, the portrait was a charred ruin, and flags and
scarf were a heap of ashes on the floor.

Fire destroyed the first manuscript of the story of
Pickett and his men, in the preparation of which thirteen
years of labor had been spent. Let me hope that the
only fire which will attach to my present effort to record
the history of those gallant soldiers is the long-ago-burnt-
out flames which surged over the unfortunate capital of
the Confederacy.

CHAPTER II.

ANXIETY, SUSPENSE, LONELINESS.

The fire revealed many things which I would like
never to have seen and, having seen, would fain forget.

One of the most revolting sights was the amount of
provisions and shoes and clothing which had been accu
mulated by the speculators who hovered like vultures
over the scene of death and desolation. Taking advan
tage of their possession of money and their lack of both
patriotism and humanity, they had, by an early corner in
the market and by successful blockade-running, bought
up all the available supplies with an eye to future gain,
while our soldiers and women and children were abso
lutely in rags and barefoot and starving.

Not even war, with its horrors and helplessness, can
divert such harpies from their accustomed methods of
accumulating wealth at the expense of those of their fel
low men who have spent their lives in less self-seeking
ways.

All my own little store was a small quantity of flour
and meal and a bag of beans; no salt even to season them;
and I an officer's wife. How much worse it must have
been for those less favored than I.

The General had left me in Richmond when he went
away to fight the battle of Five Forks, telling me to stay
until he returned or sent for me. "I shall surely come,"
he said. So, like Casabianca, I waited, and not even " the
flames that lit the battle's wreck " should frighten me
away.

ANXIETY, SUSPENSE, LONELINESS. 1 1

Though my husband's friend, General Breckenridge,
our Secretary of War, had, in his thoughtfulness, offered
me the opportunity of leaving our dear old Confederate
capital with him and his family, I remembered that Gen
eral Pickett had left me here, and obediently determined
to remain until he should come or send for me. I grate
fully thanked General Breckenridge for his kindness, but
said:

" I am like the boy who stood on the burning deck. I
can not go until the one voice calls me."

So my husband's good friend was regretfully forced to
leave me.

The days were made up of fears and anguish unspeak
able. The clock struck only midnight hours for me.

Rumors of the death of the General were credited
(I saw by the look in everybody's face), though no word
was said, and I would not ask a question nor let anybody
speak to me of him. The last letter I had received from
him had been dated the 30th of March, at Hatcher's
Run, the extreme right of the Confederate line at that
time. Most of the letter was written in Chinook. This
is a quotation from it:

Heavy rains; roads and streams almost impassable. While Gen
eral Lee was holding a conference with his chiefs this morning a mes
sage came from General Fitz Lee, stating that through a prisoner he had
learned that the Federal cavalry, fifteen thousand strong, supported by
heavy infantry, were at or near Dinwiddie Court-House. This decided
the General's plans, and he has placed General Fitz Lee in command
of the whole cavalry, Rosser's, W. H. F. Lee's, and his own, with
orders to march upon Five Forks. I am to support with my small
force of artillery and infantry this movement and take command
of the whole force.

The letter was in full faith of a short separation and
that all would be well, that he would surely return, and

12 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

implored me not to listen to or credit any Tumors to the
contrary, and urged' me in an added line to be brave and
of good cheer — to keep up a " skookum turn-turn." This
letter was brought to me by Jaccheri, a daring, fearless
Italian in my husband's employ as a headquarters post
master. He was sagacious and loyal, perfectly devoted
to my husband and his cause, and was trusted with letters
of the strictest confidence and importance all through
the war.

As 1 said before, our people were on the verge of star
vation. The army had been living on rations of corn and
beans, with " seasonings " of meat, for weeks before we left
camp. A rat even had been considered a bonne bouche
for months past. The game had been trapped and killed
throughout the whole country, and my breakfast that
morning had consisted of a few beans cooked in water;
no salt; for salt had been a luxury for a long time in the
Confederacy. All the old smokehouses had been moved,
that the earth might be dug up and boiled down to get
the salt which in the many years it had absorbed.

John Theophelas, my dear little brother, nine years
old, was a great comfort to me in these days of trial. He
had just brought up my beans and was lovingly coaxing
me to eat them when Jaccheri came. A plate was filled
for Jaccheri, and after he had finished his meager break
fast, seasoned with his adventures in getting to me, swim
ming the river at one place with his clothes tied up in a
bundle on his head, etc., he said he must go. I added a
few lines to my diary of all my acts, which I always kept
for the General, and gave it to our faithful letter-carrier
to take back to him.

"Ina da days to come," said Jaccheri, in his soft Ital
ian voice, "ina all landa, no matter, mucha people —
mucha gloly, nadia money, no matter, you find Jaccheri

ANXIETY, SUSPENSE, LONELINESS. 13

here — and here — " first putting his hand over his heart
and then drawing from his boot and gracefully brandish
ing a shining blade. " Gooda-by."

At the door he turned back and, untying his cravat,
wiggled out five pieces of money, three gold dollars and
two ninepences. He walked over on tiptoe to where our
baby was sleeping, crossed himself, and, kneeling by the
cradle, slipped into baby's little closed hand two of the
gold dollars and around his neck a much worn and soiled
scapula.

" Da mon — Confed — noa mucha good, noa now much
accountable — youa mighta want some; want her vely bad
before you nota get her. Gooda-by, some moa."

Dear, faithful old Jaccheri, — he would take no refusal,
so I let baby keep the money and used it to buy milk for
him, for I had not a penny in the world.

I was reading aloud, lovingly and reverently, the torn
words on the ragged red-flannel scapula which Jaccheri
had given to baby: " Cease, the heart of Jesus is with
me," when baby opened his sweet eyes and crowed
over the little fortune which had come to him in his
dreams, and just then my little brother, who had gone
down-stairs with Jaccheri, came rushing back, his eyes
wide open, all excitement, exclaiming:

"Sister, sister! There's a Yankee down-stairs! Come
to see you, but don't you go; hide, hide, sister! I'll stand
by the door, and he daresen't pass by me. Quick, sister,
hide! He said he was one of brother George's friends,
but don't you believe him, sister! He has killed brother
George, and now he wants to kill you! "

" Oh, no, no, my child," I said reassuringly, trying to
soothe and calm him. " No, no; don't be such a little cow
ard, dear. If he is one of your brother George's friends
he is mine, too, and he would do me no hurt. I am not

14 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

in the least afraid, and I will go down right ^.way and see
him."

" You are not afraid of anything, sister, and. you will
get killed yet, as sure as you are born, and brother George
told me to take care of you. What will he say when he
comes back and finds you dead and gone and nobody to
bury you? 'Course I'll nurse the poor baby for you if
you will go, but, sister, please marm, don't go. I shall
be scared to death till you come back."

"That's a sweet boy; take care of the baby," I said,
and, kissing them both, closed the door behind me.

As I entered the parlor a tall, thin gentleman with the
sweetest of smiles and the kindest of voices, dressed in
the uniform of a United States surgeon, arose and said
as he bowed, holding his hat against his breast, thus
avoiding offering me his hand:

"My name is George Suckley, madam. I am one of
George Pickett's friends, although, as soldiers, we have
been enemies in the field for more than three years.
That, however, does not interfere with us when we are
not on duty. I have heard that you Southern women
were very bitter, and I did not know how you, his wife —
you are Pickett's wife, are you not, madam? — would take
a visit from me, but I came, nevertheless. Knowing
Pickett as well as I do, I know he would appreciate my
motive in coming."

"Your name is a very familiar one, Dr. Suckley," I
said. "I have often heard the General speak of you,
and remember many stories of your adventures — your
love for bugs and beetles — for all natural history, in fact."
I wished him to know that I remembered him and had
not mistaken him for another, and also that I had reason
to wonder at seeing him in his present position. "He
often spoke of your having been with him at Fort Bel-

ANXIETY, SUSPENSE, LONELINESS. 1 5

lingham Bay, and knowing how you felt when he left the
old army, he has often wondered at your remaining, and
going to the front."

" I am a surgeon in Grant's army," said Dr. Suckley,
proudly, ignoring and, by his manner, almost resenting
my reference to his former sympathy with the South.
" I love Pickett, and came, as he would have come had
our positions been reversed, to see his wife and offer her
my services."

I thanked this kind-hearted gentleman and distin
guished officer, but was too bitter to accept the smallest
courtesy at his hands, even in my husband's name, and
though offered for love's sake — so bitter that suffering
was preferable to such obligation. He bowed and was
going, when I said:

"Doctor, is there any news of the army — ours, I
mean? "

"The war is over, madam. You have my address, if
you should change your mind and will show me how I
can serve you."

He bowed and left. He, too, had heard that the Gen
eral had been killed, and believed it, and I hated him
worse because of his belief.

On the evening of the 3d of April I was walking the
floor. Baby was asleep, and my little brother was walk
ing behind me, when I heard:

"Grand victory at Five Forks! Pickett killed, and
his whole division captured!"

It seemed very strange to me that in the streets of
Richmond, my dear old home, the capital of the Confed
eracy, the death of Pickett and the capture of his whole
division should be heralded as a "grand victory." How
great a change had come in so short a time! Even the
newsboys had gone over to the enemy.

1 6 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

" 'Tisn't so, sister; 'tisn't so! Don't you believe him!"
said my little brother. "Hush, sir; hush!" he excitedly
called out of the window to the newsboy. "Hush this
minute, hallooing your big stories out loud and scaring
everybody to death. I'd like to stick those five forks
through your old black gizzard, for you haven't got any
heart, I know. Ain't you ashamed of yourself, you good-
for-nothing old scalawag, you! There ain't a word of
truth in brother George being killed, and you know it,
you old thing! I'll go down and mash his mouth for him
and kick him to death for scaring you so, my poor sister —
poor sister! Yes, I'd just like to kill that boy, sister,
'deed I would; but it isn't so, my sister. You trust in
the Lord. I know brother George is not killed, for he
said he wouldn't get killed."

" No, it is not so. You are right, my darling. Your
brother George is not killed," I said. "Yes, he will come
back! — he will come back! He said he would, and he
will."

I thanked God then, and I thank God now, for the
sweet comfort of that precious little brother, John T.
Corbell — my little confidant and friend — and for his loy
alty and love in all the succeeding years.

Oh, the sleepless nights that followed each other after
that in monotonous successionl

CHAPTER III

"WHOA,

One morning I had mechanically dressed baby George
and had taken him to the window to hear the spring
sounds and breathe the spring balm and catch the sun
shine's dripping gold wreathing the top of the quivering
blossoms of the magnolia- and tulip-trees.

It was the time when the orchestra of the year is in
perfect accord, when all the world is vocal — when the
birds sing of love, the buds and blossoms of joy, the
grains and grasses of hope and faith, and when each
rustle of wind makes a chime of vital resonance.

Through the quiver and curl of leaves and perfume of
flowers and soft undertone of dawn-winds came the words,
" Whoa, Lucy; whoa, little girl!"

Oh, those tones, those words, that voice thrilled my
heart so that I wonder it did not burst from very glad
ness! Such joy, such gratitude as flooded my soul only
the Giver of all good can know! All the privation and
starvation and blood-stains of the past four years, and the
woes and trials, griefs and fears, of those last dreadful
days were swept away by those blessed, precious words,
"Whoa, Lucy!" spoken in my husband's tender tones.

How I £ot down the stairs I do not know; I do not
remember. With baby in my arms, we were both of us
in my husband's almost before Lucy had been given into
the hands of the hostler. I do not know how to describe
the peace, the bliss of that moment — it is too deep and
too sacred to be translated into words. I think that it
2 17

1 8 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

is akin to the feeling that will come to me in the here
after, when I have gone through all these dark days of
privation and of starvation of heart and soul here, victo
rious, and at last am safe within the golden gates and,
waiting and listening, shall hear again the voice that said,
"Whoa, Lucy!" here, bidding me welcome there.

All through the war Lucy had brought the General
to me. Spirited and beautiful, she had many times car
ried him twenty miles in an evening to see me, often
through dangers greater than battle. Lucy was not the
General's war-horse. She was the little thoroughbred
chestnut mare he always rode when he came to see me.
His "peace-saddle," his "love-pony," he called her, and
Bob, the General's valet, referring to her would say:
" Dat hoss Lucy she Marse George's co'tin'-filly; an' you
daresent projick wid dat hoss needer, 'kaze Marse George
iz mos' ez 'especkful to her ez ef she wuz sho'-'nuff real
folks." The horse the General used in battle he called
" Old Black," a steady, sure-footed, strong, fearless animal
that, while obedient to the General's slightest touch or
command, allowed no one else, on peril of death, to
mount her.

My father's home was in Chuckatuck, Nansemond
County, Virginia, about thirty miles from Norfolk, diago
nally opposite Newport News. After the evacuation of
Norfolk by the Confederate forces all that part of the
country was neutral ground, being occupied one day by
Federal troops, and another by the Confederates. Lying
thus between the two lines, a constant warfare was car
ried on by the scouts of both armies.

I had not been to my father's home since I was mar
ried, and was not prepared for the changes war had made.
Our own home on the James had been burned to ashes at
the command of Butler, and for awhile we had nowhere

"WHOA, LUCY." IQ

to go but to my father's. We had nothing. We both
knew, however, that a loving welcome awaited us there
in my father's home. We knew that he had an abundance
to eat. Nature's great larder, the Chuckatuck, ran but a
stone's throw from the back door, supplying with but lit
tle labor terrapin, fish, oysters and crabs in abundance, and
bait was plentiful. It was there, then, to my childhood's
home, that the General decided we should go. But, how?
There was no way of getting there, no steamers running,
and the railroad was derailed for miles around. Then
again, there was no money; my husband had not a penny
in the world, and our friends were no better off.

On the afternoon of the second day after the General's
return, while we were planning about going, my little
brother Johnny came running in, saying:

" Sister, I saw riding by the door just now that same
Yankee who came here to see you the other day, and who
said he was brother George's friend. He knew me, and
asked how you were, and how's the baby."

"Oh, I forgot; I must tell you all about it," I said,
and I then told the General of the visitor I had had be
fore he came back. When I had told him all, his gray
eyes filled with tears, and looking down he said, tenderly:

"Dear old Suckley! God bless him! That's just
like him. Where is his card? Find it for me, please,
little one. Dear old Suckley — dear old fellow — so
true!" he said, looking at the card.

I stooped down and took the General's dear head in
both my hands, and raising it up looked down search-
ingly into his earnest, loving eyes to see how he could
possibly speak so kindly and so affectionately of a
Yankee.

" So you have that same kind of ' off-duty ' feeling, too,
I see, that this Yankee doctor spoke of having," I said

20 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

with surprise, and rather disrespectfully fof me, too, I am
afraid.

" I must find the dear old fellow," the General said,
graciously overlooking my smallness of spirit, and excus
ing himself and taking leave of baby and me, he went out
at once. In a little while he came back, saying:

" It is very fortunate for us, little one, that I went out
when I did. Suckley goes down the river to-morrow to
Norfolk in the surgeon-general's steamer, and he has
kindly invited us to go with him, dear old big-hearted
bug-catcher! Come, let us lose no time. Let us hurry
and get our little traps together and be ready. We will
not say anything about our plans to any one till to-morrow
morning, when we can announce our intentions and say
our good-bys simultaneously."

Not only had this Yankee officer, in his "off-duty"
feeling for the General, kindly volunteered to transport
us to our home, but to carry our trunks and horses, in
fact, all we had, which, alas! was very, very little. Most
of our worldly possessions — all of our bridal presents,
linen, library, pictures, silver, furniture, harp, piano, china,
—everything except a few clothes, had been stored at Kent,
Payne & Co.'s, and had been burned in the awful fire the
night of the evacuation of Richmond.

The General's staff had, one by one, come in during
the day from the field and camp, and all breakfasted with
us for the last time next morning in the old Pickett home
at the corner of Sixth and Leigh streets. The military
family had broken up at Appomattox after Lee's surren
der, and the dear old headquarters Confederate flag the
General himself unstaffed, tore into strips and divided
among them. Such a happy family they had been.

The second social parting was sad, too, for they had
taken me, "the child wife," into their lives twenty months

"WHOA, LUCY." 21

oefore, and they all loved me and called me " sister."
Their pride in each other and in their command, the perils
that together they had endured, the varied experiences
of good times and bad, had bound them together in links
stronger than steel.

Spite of the partings, the loss of our cause, our dis
appointment and poverty, there was to me a sweet,
restful, peaceful feeling of thankfulness in my heart and
gratitude to God that the war was over, that my husband
had been spared and belonged now only to me, that we
were going home, and together, free from intrusion, could
rest under the shade of our own trees.

CHAPTER IV.

GEORGE JUNIOR'S FIRST GREENBACK.

The next morning at ten o'clock Dr. Suckley called
in his headquarters ambulance to take us to the steamer.
Just at the close of breakfast we had announced our in
tention of going. There was to be a sudden breaking
up and severing of old associations. The staff were all
en route to their respective homes except the adjutant-
general, Major Charles Pickett. He and Mrs. Dr. Bur-
well, only brother and sister of my husband, were to
remain with their families for a time in the old Pickett
home.

We said our sad good-by in the great fruit- and flower-
garden at the rear of the house, and passing all alone
through the large parlors and wide halls, crept quietly
out and softly closed the door behind us. The only evi
dence of life in the dear old home as we looked back was
Dr. Burwell's big dog which, having escaped from the
back yard, howled mournfully within the gates. The
blinds and window-shades had not been opened or raised
since the Federal forces had occupied the city.

As we boarded the steamer that morning I realized for
the first time that our cause was lost. Never before in
all the days of my dear married life but cheer after cheer
had greeted us wherever we had gone — salute from sol
dier or sailor, whether on or off duty. This morning these
honors were replaced by stares of surprise, of mingled
curiosity and hate. Dr. Suckley recognized this feeling
at once, and, with a quizzical smile at my caged-tigress

GE OR GE JUNIOR ' S FIRS T GREENE A CK. 2 3

expression of rage, put his arm in that of the General, and
with a haughty glance at the men, walked boldly on board.
I was shown into the surgeon-general's stateroom, in which
there were many evidences of thoughtful care for my
comfort. We were soon under way.

The General and Dr. Suckley called each other by
their given names and laughed and talked as cordially as
if they had loved the same dear cause and fought for it side
by side. At the table they drank to each other's health
and to the friends and memories of olden times. A
stranger could not have told which of the two soldiers
had furled his banner.

They chatted of Texas, and the great annexation strife
which had changed the political complexion of the nation
away back in what seemed to my youthful view a remote
antiquity. They talked of Mexico, and the General re
called reminiscences of the battles in which he had
fought in that wonderful tropical country. They dis
cussed the wild, free, fresh, novel life of the far-off
Pacific coast, the wealth of the gold-mines of California,
its luscious and abundant fruits, and the friends they had
known there. They talked of the great Northwest, that
was like a mythologic region to me, of the Chinook In
dians, and of San Juan Island and the English officers
who had occupied the island conjointly with the General.
I found myself wondering if it had been a dream, and
there had been no internecine strife.

Just before reaching City Point, which is a few hours'
distance from Richmond, Dr. Suckley came up to me and
said:

"We are going to stop for General Ingalls, who
wishes to come on board to pay his respects to you and
George. I don't suppose there is any one in the wide
world Rufus Ingalls loves more than he does your hus-

24 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

band, and I hope, madam, you will meet him with more
cordiality than you did another of your husband's friends.
At least, for the sake of their lifelong friendship, you
will not hurt him."

He turned for sympathy to my husband, who looked
acquiescingly at him and beseechingly at me. Presently
the General drew me to one side and whispered:

" Suckley voiced my wishes, my little wife, and I want
ycu to meet my old friend just as cordially as you can.
Put your little hand in his and forget everything except
that he is one of your husband's oldest and dearest
friends."

I promised my husband with all my heart to do what
he asked, and I really meant to do it. I loved to do every
thing he bade me. I liked him to make things hard for me
sometimes, that I might show him how sincere and loving
my obedience was. But when General Ingalls came on
board, was given a salute and received, as became his
rank, with the honors the absence of which I had marked
when my own General came, I slipped my hand out of
my husband's and ran back to my stateroom as fast as
I could.

There I burst out crying and shook our baby, waking
him, and told him how papa had been treated — that poor
papa had not had any honors paid him at all, and that
a dreadful old bad Yankee general had come on board
and taken them all, and that when he grew up and was a
big man he must fight and fight and fight, and never sur
render, and never forgive the Yankees; no, not even if his
poor, dethroned papa asked him to do so. I told him
how his papa had asked me to shake hands with this
Yankee general, because he was his friend, and that I was
going to do it because papa wanted me to; that I tried and
could not, and that he never must, either — never, never.

GEORGE JUNIOR'S FIRST GREENBACK. 2$

I did not know there was a witness to all my bitter
ness till I heard a smothered chuckle and, looking up,
saw my husband and his friend, General Rufus Ingalls,
standing over me. With a twinkle in his eye, and in a
voice full of suppressed laughter, General Ingalls said, as
he patted me on the head:

"I don't blame you one bit, little woman — not a
damn bit. I should feel just as terrible about it as
you do if I were in your place. It's all different with
Pickett and me, you see. We don't mind. Why, do
you know, child, we have slept under the same blanket,
fought under the same flag, eaten out of the same mess-
pan, dodged the same bullets, scalped the same Indians,
made love to the same girls — aye, Pickett, it won't do,
by Jove, to tell her all we have done together — no, no —
come, shake hands. I am dreadful sorrywe have had this
terrible kick-up in the family, and all this row and blood
shed, but we are all Americans, damn it, anyhow, and your
fellows have been mighty plucky to hold out as they have.
Come, that's a good child; shake hands. May I kiss her,
Pickett? No — damn it, I shan't ask you. There, there!
Here is a basket of trash I had the orderly rake together.
I don't know what it all is, but I told the man to do
the best he could. Here, Mr. George junior — with your
bright eyes and your won't-cry mouth — here is a green
chip for a pair of red shoes."

General Ingalls put into our baby's hands his first
greenback, and it was the only money we had, too — every
cent. Baby and I said good-by, and he and the Gen
eral went out on deck. While I was peeping into the
basket "Mr. George junior" tore the note in two. I
caught the pieces and stuck my bonnet-pin through them
till I could paste them together. One of the officers
brought me some glue, and I cut a hundred-dollar Con-

26 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

federate note in two to mend it with. Poor*Con federate
money! —

* Representing nothing in God's earth now,

And naught in the waters below it;
As the pledge of a nation that passed away,

Keep it, dear friend, and show it.
Show it to those who will lend an ear

To a tale this trifle will tell —
Of Liberty born of a patriot's dream,

Of a storm-cradled nation that fell.

Too poor to possess the precious ores,

And too much of a stranger to borrow,
We issued to-day our promise to pay,

And hoped to redeem on the morrow.
The days rolled on, and weeks became years,

But our coffers were empty still;
Coin was so scarce that the treasury quaked

When a dollar should drop in the till.

But the faith that was in us was strong, indeed,

Though our poverty well we discerned;
And this little check represents the pay

That our suffering veterans earned.
They knew it had hardly a value in gold,

Yet as gold our soldiers received it;
It gazed in our eyes with a promise to pay,

And every true soldier believed it.

But our boys thought little of price or pay,

Or of bills that were overdue —
We knew if it brought us our bread to-day

' Twas the best our poor country could do.
Keep it! It tells all our history over,

From the birth of our dream till its last;
Modest, and born of the angel Hope,

Like our visions 6f glory, it passed.

* These verses v/cre written on the back of a Confederate note, and
for a time were ascribed to John Esten Cooke, and to Colonel Wythe
Mumford. They were afterwards attributed to Colonel Jonas.

GEORGE JUNIOR'S FIRST GREENBACK. 2/

Baby's first greenback was put up to dry, and then I
turned my attention to the big covered basket the sailor
had brought in. What an Aladdin treat it was! Raisins
— the first I had seen in years and years — coffee, real
"sho'-'nuff" coffee — sugar, crushed sugar — how nice!
(we had had nothing but sorghum-juice sugar and sweet-
potato coffee for so long) — rice and prunes, Jamaica rum
and candy — French brandy and sherry and port — oh, me!
and figs — nothing ever had tasted so good as that first fig —
and well — the Yankee general who gave them all to me —
the tones of his voice made more peace than his words.
Eating the figs, I repeated them over to baby, saying:

" Never mind, baby, about hating this Yankee. He
said papa and he had trailed after the same Indians and
smoked their venison at the same camp-fire and had drunk
from the same flask. He said you looked like your papa,
and he said you were a beautiful boy. So you need not
mind about hating just this one. He said geography and
politics had forced your papa and him to take opposite
courses and it took four years to settle for their hot-head-
edness and ambitions. You must never be a politician,
and — you may love this o?ie Yankee a tiny bit, and may
suck a piece of his beautiful candy."

Dr. Suckley not only took us to Norfolk, which was
the end of his route, but he took us up the Nansemond
River, thirty miles, and up Chuckatuck Creek, to my fa
ther's wharf. No one was expecting us. They thought,
of course, it was the " Yankees come again," and had
all run off and hidden, except my father who came down
to catch the boat-line and welcome the travelers, whoever
they might be. Oh, the joyful welcome of my great big-
hearted father!

Soldiers and sailors, one and all, came and shook
hands with us. Baby and my little brother, Johnny, had

23 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

made friends of them all for us. Baby kneV no differ
ence between those who wore the blue and those who
wore the gray, and some of them had little ones at
home. We said good-by, with many a regret, to our
kind friend and benefactor, Dr. Suckley, and to the sail
ors and officers, and this time cheer after cheer went up
for my noble hero husband, as the little steamer hauled
in the lines and puffed away, and more names were
added to the list of Yankees for baby not to hate.

CHAPTER V.

"SKOOKUM TUM-TUM."

The General did not like to fight his battles over.
He said that the memories they revived were too bitter
to be cherished. The faces of the dead and dying sol
diers on the field of battle were never forgotten. The sor
row of widows and orphans shadowed all the glory for
him. In the presence of memory he was silent. The
deepest sorrow, like the deepest joy, is dumb.

"We are both too worn and weary now for aught
else but to rest and comfort each other," he said. "We
will lock out of our lives everything but its joys. From
adversity, defeat and mourning, shall spring calmness for
the past, strength for the present, courage for the future.
Now that, in obedience to the command of General Lee,
I have finished and sent off the report of the last fight of
the old division, the closing days of our dear lost cause,
we will put up the pen for awhile, and lay aside our war
thoughts. We will rest and plan for peace, and then
after a time we will take up the pen again and write
down our memories for our children and perhaps for the
children of the old division. We will build us a nest
over the ashes of our once grand old colonial home on
the James, and plant a new grove in the place of the
sturdy old oaks cut down."

The General possessed the greatest capacity for hap
piness, and such dauntless courage and self-control that,
to all appearances, he could as cheerfully and buoyantly
steer his way over the angry, menacing, tumultuous surges

3O PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

of life as over the waves that glide in tranquil smooth
ness and sparkle in the sunlight of a calm, clear sky.

This sweet rest which we had planned for ourselves,
however, was of but short duration. We had been at my
father's home only a few days, when a private messenger
brought letters of warning from some of the General's old
army friends. Two officers high in authority, solicitous
for his welfare, advised that, in the existing uncertain, in
cendiary, seditious condition of things, he should absent
himself for a while, until calm reflection should take the
place of wild impulse, and time bring healing on its
wings, and make peace secure.

Butler, who had not yet recovered from the "bottling-
up" experience, had instigated a movement to indict the
General for treason, and was making bitter speeches
against him in Congress. The people everywhere, in
censed and furious over the assassination of their beloved,
martyred President, cried aloud for vengeance and blood
and the revival of the law of Moses.

The nation had gone mad with grief and rage. The
waves of passion rose mountain-high, and from the awful
storm the angels of justice, mercy and peace took flight.
All that was bad in the hearts of men arose to the sur
face; all that was good sank to the depths. The first per
son who could be seized upon was regarded as the proper
victim to the national fury. The weakest and most de
fenseless was made the target of popular wrath, because
rage could thereby most quickly spend itself in ven
geance. Mrs. Surratt was imprisoned, and the whole coun
try was in a state of frenzy and on the verge of revolution.

The strictest secrecy was enjoined upon us. Only my
father and mother were taken into our confidence. Lucy
was bridled, saddled and brought to the door. I
walked with my husband, he holding the bridle, to the

' ' SKO OKUM TUM- TUM. " 31

upper gate. It was ten o'clock; the moon was shining
brightly, and all was quiet and still.

The General's plan for me was that I should go next
day to Norfolk, take the steamer to Baltimore, and visit
his aunt, whose husband had been in the old army, and
who had not left it to join the Southern Confederacy,
though his sons had fought on that side, one of them hav
ing been detailed on duty at my husband's headquarters.

"My aunt will welcome you," he said, "and you will
remain with her until a telegram shall come to you, say
ing, 'Edwards is better.'" (Edward was my husband's
middle name.)

That telegram would mean that he was safe and that
I was to join him, starting on the next train. I was to
telegraph to "Edwards" from Albany, on my way to
him, sending the message to the point from which his
telegram had been dated. If his telegram should say,
"There is still danger of contagion," I was not to start,
but remain with his aunt until another message came.

"Cheer up, the shadows will scatter soon. Already
bright visions and happy day-dreams flit through my
brain and thrill my heart; so keep up a 'skookum turn-
turn,' little one, and take care of yourself. Watch for
the telegram, ' Edwards is better,' for it will surely come.
Now, keep up your courage and have faith; for it will
surely come. God bless you."

I smiled up at him as he repeated the familiar old say
ing, "Keep up a 'skookuoi turn-turn' (a brave heart),
little one."

He had learned the phrase from an old Chinook war
rior on the Pacific coast, and in the darkest days of the
ill-fated struggle, when hope died in the heart and the
sun seemed to have left the sky forever, he ivould lift
my face upward, look down upon it with his kind tyesf

32 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

smile gently, and say in a cheerful voice,- "Keep up a
skookum turn-turn, dear one."

I listened to the sound of the footsteps of the horse,
(his "co'tin'-filly " — dear old Lucy) away in the dis
tance, long after he was out of sight. Then I remem
bered a trick of my childhood, which had been taught
me by a half-Indian, half-negress, and, putting my ear to
the ground, I listened for the steps until the last echo
was lost.

The night-wind sighed with me as I walked back, re
peating " Keep up a skookum turn-turn." My pathway lay
parallel with the Chuckatuck Creek, a stone's throw to the
left. The tide was high and still coming in. The surg
ing of its waves seemed to call out to me, "Skookum
turn-turn! Skookum turn-turn!" I could not be all deso
late, when the most beautiful forces of nature, echoing
his words, called to me, "Keep up a brave heart — brave
heart!"

My precious old father had waited to have us say
good-by alone, and was now coming forward to meet me.
Our baby awakened just as we got in. I confided to
baby the secret of the telegram, and told him papa said it
would surely come, and papa always said what was true.

The stars were burning brightly in the midnight sky
to light the traveler on his way as he went afar off.
Could there be light on the pathway that led him from
me? Had his face been turned southward, with his eyes
fixed joyfully upon the loved home where he would be
welcomed when his journey1 was over, what radiant glory
would have flooded the way!

Far up in the zenith I could see "our star" gleaming
brilliantly, seeming to reach out fingers of light to touch
me in loving caress. It was a pure white star, that sent
down floods of silvery radiance. Near it was a red star,

' ' SKO OKUM TUM- TUM. " 33

gleaming and beautiful, but I did not love it. It seemed
to glow with the baleful fires of war. My great loving,
tender, white star was like a symbol of peace looking
down with serenest compassion.

" Our star," he had said, as we stood together only
one little evening before — how long ago it seemed — and
gazed upward to find what comfort we might in its soft
radiance. " Wherever we may be, we will look aloft into
the night sky, where it shines with steady light, and feel
that our thoughts and hearts are together."

I fell asleep, saying softly in my heart, " God's lights
to guide him."

There were no steamers and no railroads from my
home to Norfolk, but my father secured a pungy — a lit
tle oyster-boat — and the following day we, baby and I,
started off. My father's heart was almost broken at
parting from me so soon again. I was going, he knew
not where, but knowing that "what God hath joined to
gether, no man should put asunder," he could not say
one word to keep me.

A storm came up just after we had gotten out of
Chuckatuck Creek, and we were delayed in arriving at
Norfolk. We had hoped to be there some hours before
the departure of the Baltimore steamer, but reached the
wharf as the plank was about to be taken in, so that my
father barely had time to say good-by to me and put me
on board.

CHAPTER VI.

CARPET-BAG, BASKET AND BABY.

Alone, except for baby George, for the first time in all
my seventeen years! Perhaps no timid little waif thrown
out upon the deep sea of life ever felt more utterly
desolate.

I stepped on board the Baltimore steamer and was
piloted into the saloon by a porter whose look and man
ner showed that he was perfectly cognizant of my igno
rance and inexperience. In the midst of my loneliness
and the consciousness of my awkwardness and my real
sorrows, sympathy for myself revived my olden-time
compassion for poor David Copperfield, whom Steerforth's
servant had made to feel so "young and green."

So little did I know of traveling and the modes and
manners of travelers, that I sent for the captain of the
steamer to buy my ticket and arrange for my stateroom
and supper. I wondered a little, as I waited for him,
what he would think of my childishness, and if he often
had such helpless passengers, and if he had, what he did
with them, and if life was not sometimes made a burden
to him because of them. There was always an undercur
rent, though, of realization of my position, and of dread
because of it. I had one comforting reflection, however
— the captain could not take me for a conspirator. My
innocence was too genuine and embarrassing to be mis
taken for assumed guilelessness.

I had been told on leaving my home that the slightest
jmprudence or careless word from me might cause

CARPET-BAG, BASKET AND BABY. 35

my arrest, and that, in any event, if it were known who
I was, it was more than possible that I might be held
as a hostage for my husband. After consideration it had
been decided that I should travel, not under my own
name, but under my maiden name. The more I studied
the subject the more bewildered I became. How could
I keep my precious secret? I determined to be very
silent and guard my tongue closely and answer in mono
syllables that would discourage intimacies. I began to
draw my face down and look serious and wise and assume
an expression of profound abstraction. Then it occurred
to me that this attitude would never do. In the few
novels I had read, the people who had secrets were al
ways silent and mysterious. Their demeanor said more
plainly than words could have expressed:

" Behold, the modern Sphinx, whose riddle can never
be read!"

Every one would recognize immediately the fact that
my mind was the repository of something dangerous.

Then I thought I would cultivate a light and chatty
style, more in accordance with my natural character. So
I was soon, in my thought, in conversation with some im
aginary person on home scenes and pleasures, assuming
an animation that ought to remove from the mind of the
most suspicious person the fancy that I could possibly
have anything to conceal. I found that my mental
allusions to what the General said and did were quite too
frequent and enthusiastic to be in accordance with my as
sumed character of an unknown little wife and mother,
traveling for the innocent purpose of spending a few
days with relations, expecting her obscure husband to
come for her after awhile from a little farm that he was
industriously tilling. If I could neither talk nor be silent,
what could I do?

$6 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

While I wrestled with these perplexities my train of
thought was interrupted by the ringing of a bell and a
loud voice shouting:

" Passengers will please walk into the custom-house
office and show their passports!"

The laws were so strict that no one could leave any
city in the South without a passport from the military
authorities stationed there. My grandmother had given
me her " oath of allegiance," which everybody in those
dread days immediately after the surrender of the army was
compelled to take, in order to purchase medicine, food or
clothing of any sort, or for the transaction of any kind of
business whatsoever. It was a rare occurrence that a man
was found who would take this iron-clad oath, for, no
matter how great the exigencies might be, he was branded
as a traitor if he yielded to them. Consequently, the
women, who were most bitter, too, in their feelings, were
obliged to make a sacrifice of their convictions and prin
ciples, and take this oath in order to alleviate or prevent
the absolute suffering of their loved ones. Illness in the
family and the urgent necessity for quinine and salt left
my unselfish little grandmother no alternative, and hav
ing taken this oath herself she found in it a kind of
safety. It had, at any rate, brought her relief, and she
wanted that I should have it with me, as a sort of
"mascot" or safeguard.

With carpet-bag, basket and baby, I started into the
custom-house office and explained to the officer in charge:

" I am very sorry, sir, that I have no passport. The
steamer was about to sail as I reached Norfolk. I came
from a little village thirty miles beyond, where passports
are not given. I have an oath of allegiance, if that will
answer in its place."

The officer, laughing, said:

CARPE T-BA G, BA SKE T AND BAB Y. 3 7

" No; never mind. It is all right. Only register your
name. I remember you did come on board just as the
whistle blew; but was there not another passenger who
came on with you — a gentleman?"

"Yes, sir," I said. " It was my precious father, and he
went back home on the little sail-boat."

There must have been something to excite suspicion
in the way I wrote my name, or else in my manner. I
boldly wrote out my given name, and then as I started to
write my last name, I looked all around me, confused,
and changed the letter "P" to "C," writing "Corbell."
Then I began to erase " Corbell " and write " Phillips," the
name in my oath of allegiance. While there was really
nothing very false in what I did, I felt guilty and was
frightened, for I had been brought up to be strictly truth
ful, and to keep faithfully even the word of promise.

I had not been long in the saloon when baby became
restless and fretful. I was impatiently awaiting the com
ing of the captain, whom I had sent for, when a man ap
peared. He had short, curly hair, deep, heavy eyebrows,
eyes sunken and close together, as if they had to be
focused by his big, hooked nose or they would not be
able to see. He was chewing alternately one end of his
crinkly moustache and one side of his thick, red lip, and
was making a sucking noise with his tongue, as he said:

" Madam, you sent for the captain of the boat, I be
lieve."

"Yes, sir."

"What do you wish?"

" I want you to be kind enough to get my ticket and
stateroom, please. My father had not time to see after
me. He barely had time to put me on board."

"Certainly; with pleasure. You stop in Baltimore
long?"

38 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

"I don't know," I said.

"You have been there before, I suppose?"

"Oh, no; never. I have been nowhere outside of
Virginia and North Carolina. Most of my traveling be
fore my marriage was in going to and from Lynchburg,
where I was at school.

" Lynchburg is a hilly city. It was founded by an
Irish emigrant, John Lynch, whose brother, Colonel
Charles Lynch, of Revolutionary fame, instituted the
lynch-law. Colonel Lynch was a great Whig, and too
impatient to wait for the superfluous ceremony of legally
administering justice upon the lawless Tories.

" Once I rode on horseback to the Peaks of Otter,
which are among the highest mountains of the South.
You can't imagine how glorious it was to be up there so
far away from the earth. When I first looked down from
their lofty heights the sky and the earth seemed to be
touching, and presently the rain began to pour. I could
see the glimmering, glittering drops, but could not hear
them fall. I was above the clouds and the rain — up in
the sunshine and stillness, the only audible sound a
strange supernatural flapping. It was the hawks and
buzzards flapping their wings. Suddenly the rain ceased,
the haze vanished, and I saw below the rugged moun
tains and what seemed in the distance a vast ocean.
It was the level country below.

"The words of John Randolph echoed in my heart
with this infinite mystery of nature. He with only a
servant had spent the night on those mighty rocks, and
in the morning as he was watching the glory of the sun
rise, having no one else to whom to express his thought,
he pointed upward with his long, slender hand and
charged his servant never from that time to believe any
one who said there was no God.

CARPE T-BA G, BA SKE T AND BAB Y. 39

'"No, sah, Marse John; no, sah,' said the awe-stricken
servant. ' I ain't a-gwine ter, sah. I neber had no notion
er bedoutin' sich a stronagin fack ez dat w'at you jes'
say, nohow, but I 'clar ter gracious now, Marse John, atter
d:s, I ain't gwine ter let none er Marse Thomas Didy-
muses' tempshus bedoutin' tricks cotch no holt 'pun dis
nigger, fum dis day forward fereber no mo.'

"Once, too, I-

"You have relatives in Baltimore?" said the gentle
man, abruptly interrupting me; otherwise, feeling that
geography and history were safe subjects, I should have
rattled on till I had told him all I knew.

"Yes, sir," said I. " I am going to visit them."

"Where were you from this morning?"

"I came from a little country village about thirty
miles from Norfolk — Chuckatuck, a village in Nanse-
mond County. It used to be the capital city of a tribe of
Indians called the Nansemums."

" I saw your father as he was leaving the steamer. I
was attracted to him because he made an appeal to all
Masons, asking of them — poor man — with his hands
raised to God, their protection and care for his child and
grandchild. He thus was making himself known to any
of us, his brothers, who might be aboard, when he was lost
sight of by the turn of the boat. So, you see, you can
safely confide in me, and I will help you in any way I can/'

"Thank you," I said. "I know my dear, dear papa is
a Mason. I know he was anxious about me; but I have
nothing to confide — nothing. I only want a stateroom
and my tickets and some milk for the baby. I do not
wish for any supper myself. I am so lonesome I could
not eat. It is wicked to feel blue and down-hearted,
with baby and all the kind friends to watch over me, as
you say; and then, too, God is always near."

40 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

"Yes, that is true. Did you lose your husband in the
war?"

"No, sir."

" He was in the war, though, was he not?"

"Yes, sir."

A fear came into my heart that I was talking too
much. I did not want him to know anything concerning
my husband, whose rank I especially desired to keep se
cret. I encouraged myself with the reflection that the
end justified the means, even though I might deviate
slightly from the truth, and said:

"You could not have heard of him, and he was not
of sufficient rank to have made an impression upon you,
even if you had."

"Where is he now?"

"In the country."

"And you are leaving him?"

" For a little while, only."

Then he talked of how much the Southerners had lost,
and how much they had to forgive; how easy it was to bear
victory and how hard to bear defeat, and said that if he had
been born South he would have been a rebel, and that his
sympathies even now were with the Southern people.

Then a sudden suspicion came to me, and I said:

" I wish there had never been any rebels at all; no, not
even the first rebel, George Washington; and, now, sir,
please, 1 do not want to talk about the war. I am very
weary and sleepy, and would like to retire. If you please,
sir, will you get me my stateroom and ticket? I am so
tired — so very tired."

Baby was lying asleep on my lap, hypnotized by the
chandeliers. The man looked down on him for a mo
ment, and then said, "Of course, I will get them for you,"
and was going, when an ex-Confederate officer, one of my

CARPE T-BA G, BA SKE T AND BABY. 41

husband's old comrades and friends, came up and, cor
dially reaching out his hand, said:

" How do you do, Mrs. Pickett? Where is the General?
What are you doing here, and where are you going?"

He himself was returning to his home in the far South,
but had been called back to Baltimore on business.

" Thank you, General B ," I said. " My husband has

gone to farming. He has turned his sword into a plow
share, and 1 am going to visit his aunt, whom I have
never seen. He is to come to us after a little while;
could not leave conveniently just now. He is very well, I
thank you."

" I am so glad to have seen you," he said. " Will see
you later on," andwas hobblingaway on his crutches. He
saw by my manner that he had said something to embar
rass me, something hurtful to me, and left with a pained
look. He was dressed in his old Confederate gray.
The brass buttons had all been cut off, in obedience to the
order at the custom-house office.

For several moments not a word was spoken. Then
I looked up and said:

" My tickets and stateroom, please."

" I thought you said your name was Corbell," said he
of the hooked nose, as he held my money shaking in his
hand. " I thought you said your husband's rank was not
sufficient to have made an impression; that in all proba
bility I had never heard of him."

Oh, that smacking sound of jaw and tongue, and that
beak of a nose, and those little black eyes which grew into
Siamese twins as they glared at me like a snake! He did
not move, but said, while an undefined fear of him made
me tremble and grow cold:

" Your name was Corbell, and your husband was in the
country. He was an officer of low rank."

42 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

He repeated this, more to himself than \o me.

"Did I say that?" I said, and, with a face all hon
esty and truth, I looked straight into those eyes, divided
by that vulture feature, and told, without blushing, with
out a tremor in my voice, the first deliberate falsehood I
had ever told:

"Did I say so? Well, my mind has been unbalanced,
my friends think, by the way the war has ended, and they
are sending me from home to new scenes and new asso
ciations to divert me, with the hope of making me well
and strong again. Corbell was my maiden name, but I do
not know how I happened to say that my husband's rank
was low, for I was so proud of it. I could not have been
thinking. Won't you please be so good as to get my
ticket? I am so tired I don't know what I am saying."

He went away, and the stateroom keys were brought
to me by a waitress. She unlocked the door for me. I
went in, too frightened now to think of supper, too
frightened to sleep, and wondering if, in my imprudence,
I had hurt my husband and what would happen if I had.

All night long the noise of the wheel was to me the
ax of the executioner. All night long it rose and fell
through seas, not of water, but of blood — the heart's
blood of valiant men, of devoted women, of innocent
little children. All night long it went up and down,
dripping from the awful sea — dripping with my hus
band's blood, with my father's, with the blood of all the
friends I had known and loved. Then it seemed as
if all the world but me had been slain to make that dread
sea, and I was doomed to move over it forever, with the
sound of the crushing wheels grinding my heart to powder
and never consuming me. Why had I, of the whole human
race, been left alone to go always up and down in that
horrible waste of blood? Near morning I fell asleep and

CARPET-BAG, BASKET AND BABY. 43

dreamed that it was I who had destroyed all that world of
people whose life-blood surged around me with a mad
dening roar, and that I was destined to an eternity of
remorse.

When I awoke the boat had landed. I got up and
dressed hurriedly. Starting to go out, I found that the
door was locked on the outside. The chambermaid
not answering my repeated call, I beckoned to a sailor
passing the window and begged that he would tell
the chambermaid that I was locked in and ask her
to come and let me out. She came to the door and
said:

"You can not get out."

"I do not understand," I said. "Are we not at Bal
timore?"

An officer was with her, who answered:

"Yes, but you can not get off, madam. You are to be
detained upon the boat until the authorities come and
either release or imprison you. You are supposed to be
a suspicious character."

On a slip of paper I wrote:

"A Master Mason's wife and daughter in distress de
mands in their name that you will come to her."

I said to the chambermaid:

"Will you give this to the captain?"

On her hesitating, the officer said:

"You might as well."

She went. In a little while — a very little while — be
fore I thought she could possibly have reached the cap
tain, while I was trying to hush the baby, who was hungry,
a voice as kind and gentle as the benevolent face into
which I looked, said:

"What can I do for you, madam? You sent for me."

" No, sir," I said, " I sent for the captain of the boat,

44 PICK'S TT AND HIS MEN.

but I am glad you came; you seem so kind, and may help
me in some way in my trouble."

"I am the captain of the boat," he said. "What can
I do for you?"

"You are not the gentleman who represented himself
as the captain of the boat last night, sir, and bought for
me my ticket. He was short and dark —

As I was describing the pseudo-captain the gentleman
interrupted me with:

" He is a Federal detective, madam, and has advised
that you be detained on the steamer until his return with
the authorities and warrant."

" But," I said, " he told me he had seen my father,
as he left the steamer, make the sign of a Master Mason
in distress, placing me in the care, not only of himself, but
of all Masons on this steamer, and he told me I was safe
and protected in their care, and he asked my confidence,
but I had none to give him. He suspects me of what?"

The captain said:

"Your father did make that sign; your father did
place you in our care. His appeal was to all Masons, and
in their protection he did leave you. Come; I am cap
tain of this steamer, and a captain is king on his own
boat. Where did you say you wished to go? Stand
aside," he said to the officer in charge.

Giving me his arm, he placed me and baby, carpet
bag and basket, in a carriage and the driver was told to
drive to 97 Brenton street.

"Yis, sor," said the Irishman. "97 Brinton strate,
shure."

"God bless you and watch over you! Good-by, lit
tle baby."

After driving some time, the Irishman impatiently
told me there was no street by that name and I would

CARPET-BAG, BASKET AND BABY. 45

have to get out, but not until I had paid him for the two
hours he had been hunting "for the same."

" I will pay you the money," said I, " but there must be
such a place. Come, here is the letter and the instructions."

"There's no place of the koind, an' the letther is all
wrong," he said, spelling it out, "an" phat's to be done,
an' where am I to be laving you? It's to the daypo I've
got to be afther going to now."

" Oh, I don't know," I said. " Why did you not tell the
captain of the steamer you did not know, and have him
tell you where to go?"

"Shure, I thought you would be afther knowin' yure
own moind, an' there's no one knows the place betther
'an the loikes of me an' it's there to be a-finding."

I did not know enough to get out and go to a drug
store and hunt in the directory. I was at my wits' end,
if I had ever had any wits. There was not a soul in the
city that I knew. I thought of the captain of the boat,
the only friend I had, yet I was afraid to go back to seek
him for fear the power he had would not be strong enough
to protect me, once I had left his boat. I could think of
no one else, nowhere else to go, and there was that in
the captain's voice and manner of daring and strength
that made me willing to trust myself with him, so I said:

" Drive me back to the captain of the boat, please. I
don't know what else to do."

When I went on board the captain was not yet gone,
which was an unusual thing. He had waited to see the
officers before leaving. I answered the smile that came
into his face, in spite of his kind heart, by handing him
my aunt's letter, who wrote not only a very peculiar hand,
but a very illegible one, saying:

"Read, captain, and see if this is not Brenton
street, the place my aunt has written me I must come."

46 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

" ' Go to 97 Brenton street, where my niece^ Mrs. C

will bring you to my house,' " he read. " It might be any
thing else as well as Brenton," he said. "It looks like
'Brenton,' but I have lived here all my life and have
never heard of such a street. I'll get my directory, how
ever, and look. No," he said, " but it may be Preston ; let's

look, but there are no C s living there. You might try

this house, at any rate, 97 Preston street, and if you do not
find your friends living there then come to this number,
where my wife and I will be happy to have you as our
guest, you and the little lost bird, till you can write to your
friends and find out where they do want you to come."

Off again I started with the Irishman, who had become
interested in me by this time, and had forgotten all about
the depot.

" Here you are, marm, 97 Priston strate, an' a nice
house it is, marm. Shall I take yure things in, marm?"

" No; first take up my card, if your horses will stand."

"Av coorse, marm, an' they will."

I wrote on my card:

"Does Mrs. C • live here — a niece of Mrs. S ?"

In a moment there were two or three faces at the
windows, and in another moment as many voices at the
carriage-door, asking, "Is this George Pickett's wife and
child?" and I was so thankful to be once more where
they knew George Pickett's wife and child.

Besides the lovely people whose home it was, there was
with them, on her way to her mother's, a daughter of Mrs.

S , Mrs. General B , who was one of the most

charming women I ever met. She had just returned from
the South. Her husband, too, was in the Confederate
army. The next day we both went out to her mother's,
my husband's aunt's home.

CHAPTER VII.

The week I spent in Hartford County, Maryland, at
the General's aunt's reminded me of my childhood, when
I used to play that I was a " Princess or a Beggar," or
" Morgiana of the Forty Thieves," or "The White Cat,"
or whatever character it would please me to select to
play, for my heart and soul were separated from my
body. I was not what I pretended to be. My body
went to parties and receptions and dinners, and re
ceived people and drove and paid calls, while my soul
waited with intense longing for the telegram, " Edwards
is better."

One day I had been_ out to dine and, coming home,
found awaiting me the message for which eyes and heart
had been looking for a time that seemed almost eternal.

That night I took the train for New York, starting out
all alone again, baby and I. I was tired and sleepy, but
there was such joy and gladness in my heart as I thought
of so soon seeing my husband that I did not think of
my discomforts. I repeated the telegram, " Edwards is
better, Edwards is better, " over and over again. I sang
it as a lullaby, putting baby to sleep to the measure of the
happy words, " Edwards is better. " I crooned it softly
with shut lips, lest some stranger should hear the precious
words, " Edwards is better. " Only for baby and me was
that sweet refrain. When baby slept I leaned back and
closed my eyes and saw a world of beauty and bloom as
the glad words went dancing through my heart. Was

48 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

there ever so sweet a slumber-song since babies were first
invented to awaken the deepest melody of mother hearts?

I went to sleep with baby in my arms. I had not
money enough to get a berth — just barely enough to buy
my ticket and pay my expenses through to Montreal,
Canada, from which point the telegram was dated.

When I awakened later I found that a homespun shawl
had been placed under my head. I never thought about
who had been so kind, nor why the shawl was there. All
my life long every one had been thoughtful of me; things
had been done for me, courtesies had been extended to
me, and I had learned to accept kindnesses as only what
I had a right to expect from the human race. Murmuring
softly the comforting words, "Edwards is better," I
turned my face over and went to sleep again on the shawl.
I slept until my baby became restless from the jolting.

We took the steamer up the Hudson from New York
to Albany. Something made poor little baby sick. I
censured myself for having allowed him to catch cold on
the train while I was sleeping. He was teething, and was
very fretful. He had been used, too, to his nurse, his
black mammy. He missed her customary care and atten
tion, his cradle and rocking, and was unhappy and could
not understand it. She used to give him his bath, to sing to
him her negro melodies, and to dance him up and down
in her strong arms, only bringing him to me for his daily
nourishment and kisses and my own enjoyment of him,
or when sometimes she wanted to go to her meals before
Thomas was ready to put him in his little wagon. So, in
his discomfort, he would reach out his hands and nod to
anybody to take him. He was tired of me, and thought
that I must, in some way, be the cause of all these
privations and the pain and suffering he was then under
going.

' ' ED WARDS IS BE TTER. ' ' 49

The philanthropic ladies on board the steamer seemed
very much concerned, and at a loss to understand why he
was so unhappy with me, and, apparently, preferred any
body and everybody else.

" Nurse, why do you not take the child to its mother?"
one would say, and a look of incredulity would follow my
assertion that I was its mother. "Then, why don't you
quiet the child, if you are, and find out what is the matter
with it?" and so on.

How indignant I was! Something in my manner must
have made them believe that it was not all right with me
and the child, for they followed me about, asking many
intrusive questions and making many offensive remarks.

The crying of the baby was as disagreeable to them as
it was distressing to me, and I was walking the deck, try
ing to quiet him, all tired and worn out as I was, when a
gentleman came up to me. On his shoulder I recognized
the shawl that had been put under my head on the cars
the night before. It introduced "one of the least of
these." He said:

" Madam, excuse me, but I do not think you have had
any dinner, and you must be worn out with hunger and
fatigue from fasting and carrying the baby. Won't you
let me hold him while you go down and eat something?"

Even though he carried the shawl which bespoke my
faith, I was afraid to trust him with so precious a treasure
as my baby, and would rather have starved than have per
mitted it to go out of my sight.

"Thank you, very much, but I could not think of
troubling you, " I said. "No — oh, no."

Then said he:

" May I order something for you here? "

I was hungry, and was so glad for the open way he had
found for me, and said, " Yes, " handing him twenty-five

SO PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

cents. It was all I could afford to pay for dinner, but
as I looked at the tray when it was brought to me, I
thought, "How cheap things must be in New York,"
for there was soup and fish — a kind of yellow fish I had
never seen before, salmon, I afterward learned it was —
stewed with green peas, a bird, some asparagus and pota
toes, ice-cream, a cup of coffee and a glass of sherry.

Upon his insisting that perhaps it would be restful to
the baby, I let him hold it while I ate my dinner. I did
not know how hungry I was, nor how much I was in need
of nourishment. Baby immediately became quiet in his
arms. Whether it was the change or not, I do not know,
but in a little while he was fast asleep. I covered him up
with the shawl to which the gentleman pointed, finished
eating my delicious dinner, taking my time and enjoying
it, while he read his book and held my baby. When the
servant came and took away the tray, I arose and, thank
ing the stranger for his kindness, said:

" I will take the, baby now, if you please."

" If you would rather," he said, " yes, but I think he will
be more comfortable with me for awhile. Then, too, you
might awaken him if you moved him. Let me hold him
while you rest. Here is a sweet little book, if you would
like to read it. I think, however, it would be better for you
to rest; to sleep, if you could. You look really fagged out."

The book he gave me was a child's book — it may have
been "Fern Leaves." I can't remember the name, but
written on the fly-leaf, in a child's irregular hand, were
these words:

For my dear darly popsy who is gon to fite the war fum his little
darly dorter little mary

Dear popsy don kill the por yangees and don let the yangees kill
you my por popsy little mary

Dear popsy com back soon to me an mama an grandad thats all
I says your prayers popsy ebry day fum little mary

"EDWARDS IS BETTER." 51

Beneath little Mary's name was this line:

Little Mary died on the i6th of May, 1864 — her fifth birthday.

1 rested, but thought of little Mary as I watched my
own baby who was sleeping so sweetly in this childless
stranger's arms — till presently the waves brought back to
me the days of my childhood — the story of the sailor with
his stolen mill, grinding out salt, forever and forever, and
the lost talisman lost still — back to my grandmother's
knee, listening with wonder-eyes to " Why the sea is
salt," the while my soul anon chanted to music those all-
healing, blissful words, " Edwards is better," gaining
strength for the o'erhanging trial I least dreamed of —
and the shadows rose to make place for one darker still.

CHAPTER VIII.

ONE WOMAN REDEEMED THEM ALL.

My attention was attracted by a man in close con
versation with the conductor. I was evidently the object
of it, for they would look carefully over the paper they
held and then at me, as if comparing me with something
therein described. Had I been a hardened criminal, they
would probably not have taken the risk of thus warning
me of the fact that I was under suspicion. As my ap
pearance would seem to indicate that, if a law-breaker, I
was a mere tyro in vice, they supposed they could safely
take notes of me. I was absolutely sure that I was the
subject of the conversation, and trembled with a pre
sentiment of coming evil. I tried in vain to turn my
face toward the window, but my eyes seemed fascinated.
A thousand preposterous fears passed in review through
my mind, though the real one never suggested itself. I
endeavored to dispel them each in turn, arguing that the
scrutiny of the men foreboded nothing, because I seemed
an object of curiosity to everybody, and now, as I recall
my appearance, I don't wonder, for I was very odd-looking.

In the first place, I was dressed so quaintly and looked
so entirely unlike those around me, and was all uncon
scious of any peculiarity or deficiency in my apparel —
being garmented in my very best, the traveling-gown,
etc., in which I had been married, and which had been
bought and made under such difficulties, and kept after
ward with such scrupulous care. So I was perfectly well
satisfied with myself.

ONE WOMAN REDEEMED THEM ALL. 53

I wore a long, loose-fitting black silk mantilla with
three ruffles at the bottom, while those around me were
dressed in tight-fitting, short cloth jackets. My bonnet
was of gray straw, plaited and dyed by the servants on
the plantation at home, and sewed into shape by our fash
ionable village milliner; a poke shape, extending far over
the face, a wreath of pink moss-rosebuds on the inside,
tangled in with my dark-brown hair, while it was trimmed
on the outside with several clusters and bunches of
grapes of a lighter shade of gray, also hand-made. The
grapes were formed of picked cotton, covered with
fleek-skin* and then tinted. My collar was one of my
bridal presents — from our pastor's wife — made of tat
ting and embroidery, about five inches wide, and was
pinned in front with a lava breast-pin. The prevailing
collar worn by the fashionable world was made of linen,
very narrow, only an edge of it showing, while very small,
jaunty hats, worn back on the head, were the style.

The conductor seemed to be arguing with this man
as I caught his eye, and just then my baby sprang forward
and snatched the newspaper from an old gentleman who
was sitting, reading it, in front of me, and shrieked when
it was loosened from his baby hands, while the old gen
tleman looked daggers in answer to my apologies; but,
thank heaven! when I looked again after this diversion,
the two men were gone.

I had just settled back, a little unnerved and weak,
however, when from behind me came a touch on my
shoulder, and, turning around, I saw the officer and the
conductor. The former said, " I have a warrant for your
arrest, madam," and forthwith served it upon me.

There on the cars, all alone, miles away from home
and friends, two dollars and ten cents all my little store,

* Fleek-skin is the thin covering of leaf lard.

54 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

I was arrested for — stealing! Stealing my own child!
I could not read the warrant as it trembled in my hands
— I had never seen one before. Baby thought it was a
compromise for the old gentleman's paper, and it was
with difficulty rescued from him.

As soon as my confused wits grasped the meaning of
this I said:

"This baby? This baby, sir? It is mine — mine — it
is named after its father — it is mine! I can prove it by
everybody in the world, and "

"Well, well," said the conductor kindly, as his voice
trembled, "that's all he wants, lady. You will only
have to be detained, in all probability, till the next train."

" But I must go on," I said, " for my husband is looking
for me, and I could not stand staying away another min
ute longer than the time at which he expects me. Please,
everybody, help me."

Some were too refined even to look toward me; others
merely glanced over their glasses or looked up from their
books and went on reading. Some kept their faces care
fully turned toward the landscape; and a few, just as
heartless and more vulgar, gazed in open-mouthed curi
osity.

One woman's good heart, thank God, redeemed them
all. She came forward, her tender blue eyes moist with
sympathy, her black crepe veil thrown back from her
lovely face and her waving hair with the silver threads
among the gold all too soon, and said, in a voice so
sweet that it might have come from the hearts of the
lilies of the valley that she wore bunched at her swan-
white throat:

" Come, I will stop off with you if it must be. Let
me see the paper."

Simultaneously with her, the gentleman of the home-

ONE WOMAN REDEEMED THEM ALL. 55

spun shawl came from I don't know where, and asked,
too, to see the paper, and both got off the train with
me.

I was so weak I could hardly hold or carry my baby,
for all at once there came over me the sense of my utter
helplessness to prove that my child was my own. There
was no one I could telegraph to without exposing who
and what I was, and where, and perhaps why, I was
going. A telegram to my friends at home not only might
betray me, but would alarm them. A telegram to my
husband would jeopardize his safety, for he would surely
come to me at once.

"Look! Look!" I said to the magistrate and officers,
as they read aloud the suspicions and accusations of the
philanthropic ladies who were with me on board the
Albany steamer, and who, in their zeal to secure a right
and correct a wrong, without understanding the causes of
my child's discomfort and unhappiness with me, or the
reasons for my rather suspicious manner and embarrass
ment, had caused my arrest.

Thus do the pure and holy ever keep guard over the
sins of the world and throw the cable-cord of justice
around the unregenerate to drag them perforce into the
path of rectitude. May they reap the reward to which
their virtues entitle them!

" Look at its eyes and look at mine," holding his little
face up against my own. " Can't you every one see that
it is my child — my very own child?"

" That may be, but give us the name of some one to
whom we may telegraph — some tangible proof. If it is
all right, there must be some one who knows you and who
can testify in your behalf."

" No, no," I said, "there is no one. I have nobody to
help me, and if God does not show you all some way, and

$6 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

your own hearts do not convince you, I dort't know what
I shall do."

My poor, little, half-starved, in-litigation baby refused
to be comforted. The kind gentleman with the shawl
could amuse him no longer. He had dashed from him
the keys, and pushed the watch from his ear, and de
manded impatiently of me the rights of sustenance. The
dear, good woman beside me, with the smile of the re
deemed lighting up her face, touched mine, whispering in
my ear while I held baby's hands to prevent him in his im
patience from tearing apart my mantle and untying my
bonnet-strings:

"Do you nurse your baby?"

11 Yes," I said, "and he is so hungry — poor little thing."

Then she stood up, leaning on her cane, for she was
slightly lame, and said in a voice clear and sweet:

"Gentlemen, I have a witness" —my heart almost
stood still — " here, in the child who can not speak. It is
not always a proof of motherhood, but with the circum
stantial evidence and the youth of this mother, this be
yond peradventure is proof convincing. The child is still
nourished from her own body," and she opened my mantle.

I, who had never nursed my baby in the presence of
even my most intimate friends, bared my bosom before
all those strange men and v/omen and nursed him as proof
that I was his mother, while tears of gratitude to the sweet
friend and to God flowed down my cheeks and dropped
on baby's face as he wonderingly looked up, trying to
pick off the tears with his little dimpled fingers, and thank
fully enjoyed the proof ". The men turned aside and tears
flowed down more than one rugged face. The kind
stranger with the shawl lifted his eyes heavenward as if
in thanksgiving, and then turned them earthward and
breathed a bitter curse, deep and heartfelt. Perhaps the

ONE WOMAN REDEEMED THEM ALL. tf

recording angel jotted down the curse on the credit side
of the ledger with as great alacrity as he registered there
the prayer of thanks.

I trust that the philanthropic ladies, when the evidence
was sent them, were as surely convinced as all these peo
ple were, that I had not stolen my child. I hope they
were pleased by this indication of the existence of some
degree of innocence in the world, outside of their own
virtuous hearts, but — I don't know.

" Take thy fledgling, poor mother dove, under thy
trembling wings, back to its nest and the father bird's
care. I shall go a few miles further where I stop to see
my baby," said my new friend. " This little boy who
brought me back to life is older than yours. He is the
child of my only son, whose young life ebbed out on the
battle-field of Gettysburg, and whose sweet spirit has
joined that of his noble father, my husband, which, in his
very first battle, was freed. This baby blesses our lives —
the young mother's and the old mother's."

The train due twenty minutes before was signaled;
baby finished his " proof" on the car which was taking me
faster and faster to the loving heart and protecting care
that even this kind stranger saw how sadly I needed.
The friend so kind to me on the steamer succeeded in
getting us seats, though apart.

The cars were crowded with soldiers returning home
after the war; disbanded soldiers, soldiers on furlough,
and the released prisoners, with their pale, cadaverous,
unshaven faces and their long, unkempt hair. One from
Andersonville, more emaciated and ragged than the others,
was selling his pictures and describing the horrors of his
prison life, and, as he told of his sufferings and torture,
amid the groans of sympathy, maledictions and curses
were hurled against my people; and once his long, bony

5§ PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

arm and hand seemed to be stretched menacingly toward
me as he drew the picture of " the martyred Lincoln, whose
blood," said he, " cries out for vengeance. We follow his
hearse; let us swear a hatred to these people against whom
he warred, and as the cannon beats the hours with solemn
progression, renew with each sound unappeasable hatred.'*

I crouched back into my seat, almost holding my breath
as I pressed my baby against my beating heart. The
sweet new friend touched my brow with her lips, leaving
there a kiss and a prayer, put the lilies in my hand, and
was gone. The cars moved on, leaving a great void in my
heart as I thought of my God-given friend, so lately found,
so swiftly lost.

All this was more than thirty years ago, but one of the
lilies yet lies in my prayer-book, glorifying with the halo
of a precious memory the page on which it rests.

A man, not a soldier, I think, for brave soldiers are
magnanimous and generous always, stood up in a seat
almost opposite mine and said:

"When I think of the horrors of Libby and Anderson-
ville and look at these poor sufferers, I not only want to
invoke the vengeance of a just God, but I want to take a
hand in it myself. Quarter should be shown to none —
every man, woman and child of this accursed Southern race
should be made the bondsman of his own slave for a
specified length of time, that they might know the curse
of serfdom. Their lands should be confiscated and given
to those whom they have so long and so cruelly wronged."

As he in detail related the story of their scanty allow
ance, the filth and darkness of their cells, I longed to get
up and plead for my people, and tell how they, too, were
without soap, food or clothes; that we had no medicines
even, except what were smuggled through the lines, and
that our own poor soldiers were barefooted and starving;

ONE WOMAN REDEEMED THEM ALL. 5Q

and that all the suffering of prisoners on both sides could
have been avoided by carrying out the terms of the cartel
proposed by the Confederate government. If I had only
dared to raise the veil and reveal the truth, sympathy
would have tempered their bitterness; the flame of divine
kinship smoldering in their veins, hidden as in a tomb,
would have miraged over the gulf of wrongs a bridge
of holier feelings. Yet the memory of the woman
whose son had been killed on the field of Gettys
burg, and whose lily, now browned and withered with
the years, I cherish with such tender care, softened the
words that were like blows to my ear and heart. Thus
the power of one pure heart radiating its love upon
the world as an odorous flower, diffuses fragrance on
the surrounding atmosphere, uplifts the sorrowful spirit
and strengthens it to withstand the rude assaults of a vin
dictive world.

The official figures of Secretary of War Stanton and
Surgeon-General Barnes show that over three per cent,
more Confederates perished in Northern prisons than
Federals in Southern prisons. The report of Mr. Stanton,
July 19, 1866, says: " Of the Federal prisoners in Confed
erate prisons during the war, 22,576 died. Of Confeder
ate prisoners in Federal prisons, 26,436 died. Surgeon-
General Barnes said that the Confederate prisoners num
bered 220,000; the Federal prisoners, 270,000. Out of
270,000 Federals more than 22,000 died; of 220,000
Confederates more than 26,000 died.*

General Grant, in his letter to General Butler from City

* Mr. Elaine accounts for the greater mortality of Southern prison
ers by saying that the Southern men were "ill-clad, ill-fed and diseased,
so that they died of disease they brought with them. " That being true,
how then could the South provide any better for Northern prisoners
than for her own soldiers?

60 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Point, July 19, 1864, thus bespeaks his acffcord with his
government in opposing the exchange of prisoners:

It is hard on our men held in Southern prisons not to exchange them,
but it is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles. Every
man released on parole, or otherwise, becomes an active soldier against
us at once, either directly or indirectly. If we commence a system of
exchange which liberates all prisoners taken, we will have to fight on
until the whole South is exterminated. If we hold on to those caught,
they amount to no more than dead men. At this particular time to re
lease all rebel prisoners North would ensure Sherman's defeat and would
compromise our safety here. ,, Q p

Lieutenant-General.

General Grant further said, in his testimony before the
Committee on the Conduct of the War, February, 1865:
" Exchanges of prisoners having been suspended by reason
of disagreement on the part of agents of exchange on both
sides before I came into command of the armies of the
United States, and it then being near the opening of the
spring campaign, I did not deem it advisable or just to the
men who had to fight our battles to reiriforce the enemy with
thirty or forty thousand disciplined troops at that time. An
immediate resumption of exchanges would have had that
effect without giving us corresponding benefits. The suf
fering said to exist among our prisoners South was a pow
erful argument against the course pursued, and so I felt it."

In the light of historic facts, the right entry will be
made of the suffering of the prisoners, North and South.

CHAPTER IX.

A FAMILIAR FACE.

Owing to the delay, all the staterooms in the Lake
Champlain steamer had been taken, and my little sick
baby and its poor tired mother were very thankful when,
after the long, dreary night, they welcomed the dawn of
day which counted them many miles nearer to their Mecca.

I have forgotten the name of the place from which we
took the train for Montreal after leaving the steamer, but
I remember a fact of more consequence concerning it —
that it was the wrong place.

I received my first tariff lesson on reaching the Canada
side, when the passengers were summoned to the custom
house office to have their baggage examined, and I, with
my carpet-bag, basket and baby, followed my fellow voy
agers. When my turn came I handed the officer my keys
and checks, which, after a glance, he gave back to me,
saying with haste and indifference, as if it might have been
the most trivial of matters:

"Your luggage has been left on the States side. Your
checks were not exchanged."

This was "the last straw." The camel's back had been
broken by no clothes. Heroically I had borne up under
dangers and hardships, accusations and imminent trage
dies, but the loss of my wardrobe, that greatest calamity
which has ever been known to darken the career of mortal
woman, was too much, and I wept aloud. Not that I had
so large and so valuable an array of personal adornments.
The few clothes I had were intrinsically worthless except,

62 PICKETT AND HIS MEN-

perhaps, as so many curios. There were gowns remodeled
and refashioned from court dresses over a hundred years
old. There were others entirely new as to texture, and
grotesquely original as to style, woven on our crude looms,
made streaked and striped with our natural dyes, trimmed
with an improvised passementerie made of canteloupe
and other seeds, and laces knit from fine-spun flax, with
buttons of carved and ornamented peach-stones. Then
there was my wedding-robe, constructed after approved
models, somewhere in the unknown regions of the frozen
North, and basely smuggled across the lines to me, an un-
regenerate reprobate, who wickedly ( but artistically, be
it known) put it on and went, an unrepentant receiver of
smuggled goods, proudly to the altar, positively glorying
in villainy. In the Confederacy a new wedding-dress
was a rare and precious feature in costumery. Its intro
duction into a community was a social event of great
importance. Its possession was a distinction which ren
dered its fortunate owner especially subject to the gra
cious law of noblesse oblige. My bridal-robe had draped
the form of more than one fair maid since it had first
eluded the vigilant eyes which guarded the Federal line.
It was last worn by one of the most beautiful girls of
the Confederacy when she became the wife of a distin
guished officer, and was put away forever when, a few
hours later, the groom was brought back to his bride,
wrapped in the white shroud of death. The purity of the
bridal-robe gave place to the sombreness of the widow's
weeds, which for many years were faithfully worn in
memory of her fallen hero.

My genuine grief for the loss of all my clothes touched
the heart of the sturdy Englishman into vouchsafing the
information that I would better return the checks for
exchange and I would receive my luggage on the next

A FAMILIAR FACE. 63

train. The delight consequent upon this information,
taken in connection with my previous grief, may have im
pressed the British mind with the conviction that the
missing trunks contained an entire outfit just from Worth,
Felix being at that time yet in the realm of the unevolved.

Taking the wrong train at the wrong point put me into
Montreal later than I was expected, but I religiously fol
lowed instructions to remain on the train which stopped
over at Montreal, until I should be claimed, like a general-
delivery letter.

Every passenger had left the coach, and baby and I
were alone. I was waiting and watching breathlessly
for my claimant, when my hungry eyes caught sight of
three gentlemen coming straight toward me. It was with
but a languid interest that I regarded them, for I had pre
conceived convictions as to the appearance of the one
who should assert proprietary rights over me, and neither
of these newcomers seemed at first glance adapted to re
spond to those convictions. The face of one seemed
rather familiar, but I was not sure, so I drew my little baby
closer to me and looked the other way. I felt them com
ing, and felt them stop right by my side.

"What will you have of me?" I asked.

There were tears in the eyes of the gentleman whose
face had seemed a familiar one, and the next minute baby
and I were in his great strong arms, and his tender voice
was reproachfully asking:

"Don't you know your husband, little one?"

I was looking for my General as I had been used to
seeing him — dressed in the dear old Confederate uniform,
and with his hair long and curling. The beautiful hair
had been trimmed, and while he was not subject to the
limitations of Samson in the matter of personal strength,
a critical observer might have detected variations in per-

64 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

sonal beauty. An English civilian suit of* rough brown
cloth took the place of the old Confederate gray.

The two gentlemen with him were Mr. Corse, a
banker, a brother of one of the General's brigadiers, and
Mr. Symington, of Baltimore, a refugee. I noticed that
these gentlemen called the General "Mr. Edwards" and
me " Mrs. Edwards," which made me feel somewhat strange
and unnatural, but I reflected that I was in a foreign
country, and very far north of our old home, and perhaps
even people's names were affected by political and cli
matic conditions.

Knowing our poverty, I had expected the General to
take us to a quiet little room in some unpretentious board
ing-house, but was too tired to voice my surprise when we
were driven in a handsome carriage to a palatial home.
I remember the beautiful grounds, the fountain, and flow
ers; the big English butler with side-whiskers who opened
the large carved doors; and the pretty girl in a cap who
took baby from my arms.

After that I remember only being tired — so tired — so
very tired. When I had rested enough to remember again,
1 was on a sofa dressed in a pretty, soft, silken robe, and I
heard a kind voice saying:

"The lady is better; she will be all right. Let her
sleep."

Glancing up, I saw a benevolent-looking old gentleman
and a pair of spectacles. I closed my eyes and heard the
gentleman with the familiar face say such beautiful, such
sweet, pleasant things, and his voice and touch thrilled my
heart so that I kept my eyes shut and never wanted to open
them again; and presently the pretty girl with the cap on
came in and baby was in her arms, dressed in a beautiful
robe.

"Ze petite enfant — very much no hungry now — he eat

A FAMILIAR FACE. 6$

tres much pap — he sleep — he wash — he dress — he eat
tres much. He no hungry; he eat some more tres much
again. He smile; he now no very much hungry again
some more."

Was I in the land of fairies, and was the gentleman
with the familiar face the prince of fairies, as he was the
prince of lovers? Our baby's outstretched arms and cry for
me as he recognized me dispelled any such delusion, but I
was too tired to hold out my hands to him. I soon felt his
little face, however, nestling close against my own, and
felt, too, the touch of yet another face, and heard the same
voice which had made my heart thrill with bliss whisper
again more things like unto those other things it had
whispered, but I was too tired and too happy to speak,
and my blessings seemed too sacred to open my eyes
upon, so I kept them closed. When the old English
physician came in the next day he said:

"Ah, ha! Ah, ha! The lady is most well. Keep on
feeding her and sleeping her. She is half-starved, poor
lady, and half-dazed, too, by sleeplessness. Ah, ha! Ah,
ha! Poor lady! That will do — feed her and sleep her;
feed her and sleep her. Ah, ha! Ah, ha! That's all."

When the old doctor was gone I remember listening
for the tread of the sentinel outside — confusing the "ah,
ha! ah, ha!" with the tramp, tramp, tramp — and as I
asked, the question brought back the memory that the
war was over, the guns were stacked, the camp was
broken, and the General was all my very own. I looked
around inquiringly and up into the familiar face for an
swer, and he, my General, explained our pleasant sur
roundings.

His old friends, Mr. and Mrs. James Hutton, he said,
had been suddenly summoned to England, and had prayed
him, as a great favor to them, to be their guest until their

66 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

return, as otherwise the delay to make the necessary ar
rangements for their going would prevent their catching
the first steamer. Thus we had a beautiful home in which
to rest, to grow well and strong, to forget all that could
be forgotten of the past, and to enjoy the present.

CHAPTER X.

VISITORS, SHILLING A DOZEN. — OUR LEFT-HANDERS.

The first week in June the French maid came to our
room with a telegram for Mr. Edwards, announcing that
Mr. and Mrs. Hutton would sail for home from England
the following week.

My husband calculated about what time they would
arrive, and how soon we would be forced to give up the
comforts of their beautiful and luxurious home, which we
were then enjoying. We began to hunt for a place to live,
commencing with the hotels and larger boarding-houses,
and v/inding up with the smaller ones. After a week of
varied, and some very funny, experiences, we decided at
last upon one house, principally because of its attractive
court and the pleasant verandas overlooking it.

"With its glistening fountain and pretty shrubbery and
flowers, how nice for our baby," I said. " How cool and
refreshing the sound of the water, and the glimpse of
green."

So, for baby's sake, the selection was made and our
rooms engaged. Our landlady was a very dark bru
nette, and prided herself upon being a French Canadian,
but—

"That man of mine," she sorrowfully said, "is a soggy
Englishman, and you would hardly believe it possible he
could be the father of our two beautiful daughters. Both
of them are going to do well, but they don't take after their
pa. The oldest is engaged to be married to a Stateser
with nine businesses!"

68 PIC 'ICE TT AND HIS MEN.

•
By the "nine businesses" and "Stateser" I gathered,

from her explanation, which she volunteered in answer
to my puzzled look, that the fortunate son-in-law-to-be
was a Yankee living in a small town in the State of Ver
mont, and owning a little country store where woolen
and cotton goods, silks and flannels, pottery, queensware,
hardware, groceries, grain, and so forth, were sold. In
her admiration of him, after each alleged "business" she
affixed the, to her, high-sounding title of "merchant."

The second daughter, she told me, was learning to
sing.

"She has a sweet voice, but she don't take after her
pa," she said, "and the young preacher student in the
next room to the right of the one you have chosen is
very much taken with her, and it looks like I'd get both
girls off my hands before long."

She said she could not give me the use of the parlors
when the girls wanted them.

"The Stateser comes a long ways, you know, and has
to have it all to himself when he is here."

But she generously suggested that if none "of them"
were using the parlor at the time when my "company
came," she would let me entertain my visitors in it at
the rate of a " shilling a dozen" which arrangement I con
sidered a very good one for me, as I did not expect to
have more than a shilling's worth of visitors perhaps, in
six months.

Our meals were to be served in our own room, except
on Sundays, when we would have to dine in the public
dining-room and do our own "waiting," like the others.
We did not exactly understand what that meant, but one
day's experience proved it to be anything but comfort
able. The dinner had all been cooked on Saturday and
was cut up and piled on the table in the center of the

' ' A SHILLING A D OZEN. "—OUR LEFT-HANDERS. 69

room, and we each had to serve ourselves. I could not
help thinking of the time when my General had been
served by butlers and waiters, each anxious to be the first
to anticipate his wishes, and all feeling amply rewarded
for every effort by a pleasant word or an appreciative
smile. I wondered how any one of those obsequious at
tendants would feel to see us now.

The following menu was about the average dinner
(with the exception, of course, that on week-days it was
warm): Corned beef, mutton pie, potato salad, pickled
snap-beans, gooseberry tarts, and milk. Our breakfast
was always cold; the first one was cold bread, preserves,
a baked partridge (which is the same as our pheasant),
and delicious coffee and butter.

Our rooms had one discomfort: we were awakened
every morning by the young lady making love to the bird
of her preacher beau while she arranged his room.

"Dear 'ittle birdie! — birdie dot a Dod? — birdie dot a
soul? — 'ittle birdie sings praises to Doddie? Dear 'ittle
birdie dot a dear 'ittle papa, and dear 'ittle papa must det
him a dear, dood 'ittle wifey — dood 'ittle Tistian wifey,
who will take tare of birdie and help him to make hi*,
people dood Tistians, and help birdie and birdie's papa to
sing praises, too; tiss again, 'ittle birdie —

A sound as of the door opening, a rustling and a
confused "Oh, dear!" and then "Good-morning" was fol
lowed by the invariable excuse for not having finished
tidying up the room and cage before he came, "because
birdie and I are such friends — ain't we, birdie — and time
slips so quickly — don't it, birdie?"

I would know she was being forgiven, though I could
hear only the sounds of his deep, low tones between the
chirping to — birdie, of course. Neither my husband nor
I meant to listen to these chirpings to — birdie, of course,

7O PICKETT AND HIS MEN,

and I always put my fingers in his ears at the sound of
them.

After our breakfast was over and baby had been made
comfortable, I usually sent him out with Annie for his
walk, and she was delighted at having him all to herself.

"Shure, and I'll not be having the interfarence of so
many others whose rasponsability I don't be a-wanting;
for the bairn, God save him, was afther being that kissed,
his dinner wouldn't agray with him at all, at all. There
was the cook and John's wife and John and the coach
man and that ugly French Lizette (sorra a bit am I t6
be rid of her, the vain prig) would be all afther kissing
him until he'd be that sick his milk would curdle in him,
and for the loife of me I couldn't be kaping the clothes
clane on him with all their crumpling and handling; and
it's glad that I am entirely, the saints save us, having him
to mesilf, the blissed child!"

The rooms were comfortable, and we found the long
veranda, where we spent our evenings and most of our
mornings, not only a very pleasant change, but a source
of amusement as well. My curiosity was greatly excited
concerning our neighbors on the left. I was uncertain
how many there were of them, though I put them down in
my mind as not less than half a dozen.

The first morning these " Left-handers," as I called
them, were as silent as the grave till about noon, when,
all at once, without any premonitory noises, they com
menced a most animated conversation, interspersed with
laughter, mirthful and scornful. Then the tones of their
voices would change from anger to reproach and then to
grief, so that at one time I was so full of sympathy with
the poor man who was being driven out into the cold
world that it was all I could do not to go in and plead for
him; but while I was hesitating all became quiet. I sup-

' ' A SHILLING A D OZEN. "—OUR LEFT-HANDERS, J I

posed he was gone and all was over with him, and invol
untarily I offered up a prayer — all the help I could give.

Imagine, if you can, my surprise when the next morn
ing at a little later hour I heard a repetition of the same
painful scene. The poor man had returned, I reasoned.
Taking them all together, I thought they certainly were
a most curious family, and I determined to enlist my hus
band's interest as soon as he came in. Something had
prevented my telling him the day before. That evening
as we were sitting on the veranda I carried my resolution
into effect and, though he listened with his usual sweet
patience, my description of the disturbance, to my sur
prise, excited in him more mirth than sympathy.

Just as I had finished telling him, our baby was brought
in to be enjoyed and put to sleep. "The little pig went
to market," "the mouse ran up the clock," "the cock
horse" was ridden "to Banbury Cross," and after innum
erable " Hobble-de-gees," baby was ready, and so were
we, for his "Bye Baby Bunting."

When his sweet little "ah-ah-ah" accompanying ours
grew fainter and fainter, we began to sing in the Chinook
jargon the Lord's Prayer, which my husband had taught
to so many of the Indians on the Pacific coast, and which
we always sang at the last to make baby's sleep sound.
At the words, " Kloshe mika tumtum kopa illahie, kahkwa
kopa saghalie" (Thy will be done on earth as it is in
heaven), from through the open door of the room to our
left a voice clear and sweet joined in the same jargon
with ours to "Our Father," and as the last invocation was
chanted, " Mahsh siah kopa nesika konaway massachie —
Kloshe kahkwa " (Send away far from us all evil — Amen), a
handsome stranger stepped out and, with outstretched
hand, said to the General, with great cordiality, " Klahowya
sikhs, potlatch lemah" (How do you do, friend; give me

72 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

your good hand). Then followed a conversation between
them about the Pacific coast, Fort Vancouver, San Juan
Island, Puget Sound, the Snohomish tribe and their many
mutual friends of the Salmon Illehe.

All the while I was wondering what could have become
of the other family — if they could have gone — and yet
now and then I caught a tone in his voice as he talked to
my husband, that sounded very similar to the tones of the
man in trouble belonging to them, though I did not see
how it would be possible for any one to drive, or wish
to drive, him out of their home. When, after awhile, 1
came in for the compliments of the season, my astonish
ment knew no bounds when I learned that he had been
the sole occupant of that room since Sunday night.

The clock in the court struck seven. Rising hastily,
and with many apologies, this strange-family man wrote
something on his card, and handing it to my husband,
said, "I am playing at the theater here, to-night — come
and see me," and was gone.

To this kind stranger, William Florence, I was in
debted for my first taste of the pleasures of the theater.
Almost every evening he, with our permission, joined us
on the veranda, shared our play with baby, cheered and
entertained the General, and kindly took us afterward to
seethe play. Yet, during the whole of his stay — four
days — he never once, in the most remote way, intruded
himself upon our confidence; and though he knew there
was some mystery, in his innate delicacy he made no
allusion to it.

On Saturday evening, when his engagement was over
and he came to say good-by, after lingering over the
pleasant evenings we had passed together, and putting
great stress upon the benefit they had been to him, he
stopped abruptly, saying:

1 ' A SHILLING A D OZEN. "—OUR LEFT-HANDERS, ?$

"Confound it all! Forgive me, if I put my foot in it
— but here is something to buy a rattle for the youngster.
I swear I absolutely have no use for it. In fact, I never
had so much money at one time before in my whole life,
and it belongs by rights to the young rascal; for, if it had
not been for the 'cat's in the fiddle,' the 'cow jumping
over the moon,' 'getting the poor dog a bone,' and 'Our
Father who art in heaven,' I should have spent every red
cent of it on the fellows. Please — I insist," he said, as my
husband refused. " I know you have had more money
than you seem to be bothered with now; take this/'

Though we were both very much touched by the kind
generosity of this stranger in a strange land, the General
was firm in his refusal.

" Well, good-by, and good luck to you," he said. " You
are as obstinate as an 'allegory on the banks of the Nile.'
Here it goes," putting the fifty dollars back into his
pocket, and turning to me, with a tone I so well remem
bered, he wished me happiness.

"Good-by, "I said; "may 'Our Father' who art in
heaven and his little ones whom he says 'suffer to come
unto me,' keep your heart thoughtful for others, and gen
tle and kind all through this life. Believe in soul and be
very sure of God."

In all the years that came afterward, the friendship
formed then between my husband and our first "Left
hander" was never broken — and to me it was a legacy.

The following week I noticed his rooms were taken by
a very strangely acting lady and gentleman. I saw there
were two of them this time. The second evening, as I
was putting baby, who was unusually restless and fretful
and would not be amused or comforted, to sleep, the
queer lady, with a " Banquo-is-buried-and-can-not-come-
out-of-his-grave " tone and manner, said, "The child — is't

74 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

ill, or doth it need the rod withal?" Whether the child
needed "the rod with all" or Mrs. Winslow's soothing-
syrup, he stopped crying at once, and while she talked
on, never took his startled eyes from her face till he
wearily closed them, hypnotized to sleep.

"Hast thou a nurse — one that thou call'st trust
worthy?" she asked, after I had put baby in his little bed.

"Yes, madam," I answered — "one whose love makes
her so."

"It is well," she said, "and if thou dost not fear to
leave the watch with her, wilt thou and thy husband come
as our guests to see our Hamlet as we have conceived
him to be?"

It was the first of Shakespeare 'splays I had ever seen,
and my blood ran cold as I breathlessly watched the
portrayal of it by these, the most celebrated actors of
their day (Charles Kean and his wife, Ellen Tree), and
with talents so versatile that I cried over the tragedy as if
my heart would break, and laughed with equal heartiness
over "Toodles," the farce which followed.

At the close of the play the actress brought her hus
band into the box and introduced him. Unlike her, he
did all his acting on the stage, while she stabbed her po
tatoes and said, "What! no b-e-a-n-s?"

We accepted their kind invitation to share their car
riage back to the house, and enjoyed, too, some of the
delicious supper prepared for them. It was their last
year on the stage, and I never saw them again, though I
treasure their little keepsake, given me in exchange for
one not half so pretty, and gratefully remember the
pleasure they put into our lives during the days they
were our "Left-handers."

Among others, there came in time that king of come
dians, noble in mind as he was perfect in art, Joe Jeffer-

• ' A SHILLING A D OZEN. "—OUR LEFT-HANDERS. 7 5

son. He was accompanied by his wife, a fascinating,
motherly little woman.

The second morning after meeting them, I, in compli
ment to her inquiries about my baby, asked after their lit
tle dog, to whom I had heard her husband talking as if it
had been a child.

She laughed and explained "Schneider," and told me
the story which has since become the property of the
newspapers, about how the great comedian had been
identified to the entire satisfaction of the bank-teller by
means of this same "Schneider," the most wonderful dog
that ever existed in the human mind.

Nor did this pleasant acquaintance end with our
Canadian experience. The next time we saw Joe Jeffer
son was in Richmond, where he gave a performance and
turned over the whole proceeds to a war-ruined Confeder
ate, and all in such a quiet manner as to fulfill the spirit of
the Scriptural injunction regarding the right and left
hands. The kindness which was shown by the wealthy
tobacconist — the seeming favorite of fortune — to the poor
lad in the beginning of that career the distinction of
which, even then, one could foretell, was thus gracefully
repaid a thousand times by the successful actor.

Our landlady made a tour of inspection of all the
rooms every Friday, but to us she made her visits longer
each time, showing a growing interest in our affairs.
She could not solve the mystery of our having come from
such a palatial home to her boarding-house. Then, too,
one of my "shilling visitors" happening to be the Gov
ernor-General, and another an English officer, they were
also a cause of wonder. She was so insistent in this un
bounded curiosity that we were compelled to seek a
larger house where we should be more lost sight of, espe
cially as just at. this time two prominent Southern gen-

/6 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

tlemen, Mr. Beverly Tucker and Mr. Beverly Saunders,
had been gagged and taken through the lines, though
their release was immediately demanded by the English
government.

Much to my husband's relief, I volunteered to assume
the disagreeable task of notifying her, which notice she
seemed intuitively to have anticipated and determined to
thwart by telling of her troubles, all of which she laid at
"that Johnson's" (her husband's) door.

" He is got so high-minded now," she said, " he refuses
to blacken all the boots at night — leaves the top floor
ones till morning. Wants to set up-stairs with me and
the girls, instead of staying down in the kitchen, looking
for chaws and to be handy; expects us to hunt tins to
shine and mend, and nails to drive; won't eat the board
ers' leavings; reads the Stateser's newspaper that he sends
to his girl; sets on it when he hears us coming; took
money from Stateser, too, and was that sly he was going
to spend it on himself, and I giving him all he needs."

Taking advantage of her pause for sympathy, I edged
in my notice. She immediately put all the blame of our
going on "that Johnson," and, though I assured her that
he had nothing whatever to do with it, wailed:

"You can't fool us, you can't fool us — he drives every
boarder out of the house."

Our next rooms opened on the Champs de Mars, the
attractions of which in part made up for the loss of the
veranda, but not for that of our " Left-handers," who had
come and gone, making oases in our lives.

CHAPTER XL

BORN WITH EMERALDS — NEMO NOCETUR.

"Cast away this cloudy care — come, look at the sol
diers," I said, as I saw a shadow in the General's smile
and heard a sigh, when the music, almost under our very
windows, signaled the hour for dress-parade.

The shapeless, senseless ghost of despair vanished
with my entreaties, as we stood at the window and
watched the soldiers, keeping time with them to step and
tune outwardly, while hiding the muffled sound within,
each playing we were enjoying it, without one marring
thought of the crumpled-browed past, trying to fool each
other till we really fooled ourselves. It was with thank
fulness that I saw the General watch with unfeigned in
terest the maneuvers of the soldiers, day after day, and
pleasantly welcome reveille and tattoo. Our baby
learned to march almost before he walked.

While we were enjoying our congenial surroundings
and each other, spite of poverty, fears for the future, and
grief for the past, my husband became very ill. In the
crisis of his illness, while he required all my attention,
our baby was seized with croup. The kind old English
man, recommended by my good friends, was very at
tentive, but failed to inspire me with my wonted faith.
The chief reason, I think, must have been that he was
not called "Doctor," but "Mister." For two weeks he
came once, and sometimes twice, a day, going first to*
see and bring me news of baby, who had been kindly
taken by our friends to their home to be cared for. I

7§ PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

was a source of unending amusement, an unsolvable
mystery, to the English doctor, though we were very
good friends.

During all this long illness I never once stopped to
consider the cost of anything, whether it were food, medi
cines or delicacies of any kind, if prescribed or sug
gested, but purchased regardless of expense. When the
danger was past, and our board bill was sent up, I counted
over our little store and found there was not enough left
to meet it.

My husband was still too ill to be annoyed or troubled
about anything, and with the bill hidden away in my
pocket, I was making a plan of battle and maneuvering
how I could fight my way out of the intrenchments, when
he noticed that I was looking pale, and suggested that I
go out for a little fresh air.

Eagerly taking advantage of the excuse thus offered,
I put on my bonnet and went down to the office and
took from my box in the safe an old-fashioned set of
emeralds and, asking the proprietor to direct me to the
most reliable jeweler and to send some one to sit with
my husband until my return, I went out.

I had had very little experience in buying of mer
chants, and none whatever in selling to them, but I
feigned great wisdom and dignity as I told the young
man who stepped forward to wait upon me that my busi
ness was with the head of the firm. He took me back
to an inner office, where an old man with grizzly-gray hair
and a very moist countenance was looking intently through
something, which very much resembled a napkin-ring
screwed into his right eye, at some jewels lying on a tray
before him. He wore his teeth on the outside of his
mouth, and his upper lip was so drawn, in the intensity
of his look, as to be almost hidden under his overreach-

B ORN WITH EMERALDS — NEMO NO CE TUR. 79

ing nose. His face, too, was wrinkled up into a thou
sand gullies in his concentration upon his work.

''We don't hemploy young women 'ere," he said,
looking up and frowning as he suddenly became aware
of my presence.

"I came," I explained, taking out my emeralds and
handing them to him, "to ask you if you would not,
please, sir, kindly buy some of these stones from me, or,
at least, advance me some money on them."

"This is not a pawnbroker's shop, heither, mum," he
replied, as he carefully examined the jewels, and then,
suddenly popping the napkin-ring out of his eye, turned
both of the piercing little gray twinklers upon me and said:

"Where did you get these hemeralds from, miss?"

"I was born with them, sir," I said, indignantly.

Either from my appearance, or for some other cause,
he became suddenly suspicious, and not only would not
purchase them of me, but refused to let me have them
till I could prove my right to them. I was too young
and inexperienced to be anything but furious, and the
bitter, scalding tears that anger sometimes unlocks to re
lieve poor woman's outraged feelings, were still falling
fast when I reached the hotel with the clerk whom the
jeweler had sent back with me that I might prove by the
proprietor my ownership of the jewels with which I was
born.

He, in his sympathy, shared my anger and, after ex
pressing his sincere regret that I should have been sub
jected to such an indignity, advised, as he snatched the
case from the clerk with a withering look of scorn trans
lated into more emphatic language, that I should look
carefully over them to be sure that neither this hireling
nor his master had abstracted any of the stones, for his
experience had been that suspicion was born of guilt.

80 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

As he again locked up my emeralds irf his safe he
kindly asked how much money I needed, and begged
that in the future I would permit him to advance for me
if I should need any, and furthermore, "as to the board
and expenses here," he said, " Mr. Edwards and I will ar
range all that when he is well — entirely well."

Through the goodness of God and the skill of my kind
physician, my loved ones were spared to me, and one
day, some time after they were well, as I was reading
the paper to my husband, I chanced across an advertise
ment for a teacher of Latin in Miss Mclntosh's school.
The professor was going abroad and wanted some one to
take his place during his absence. The chuckle of de
light which I involuntarily gave as I read it, provoked
from the General the remark that I was keeping some
thing very good all to myself. I slyly determined that
this little suspicion should be verified and that I would
make an application at once for the position; then, if I
should fail, I alone would suffer from the disappointment.
So, just as soon as I could arrange it, I donned my best
clothes, assumed a most dignified mien, went to the num
ber advertised and asked to see the professor.

I was shown into the primmest of parlors — the kind
of room one feels so utterly alone in, without even the
suspicion of a spirit around to keep your own spirit com
pany. Each piece of furniture was placed with mathe
matical precision, and all was ghost-proof. The proprie
tress, who came in response to my call, seemed put up in
much the same order. She was tall and angular, and her
grizzly-red hair was arranged in three large puffs (like
fortifications, I thought) on each side of her long, thin
face, high cheek-bones, Roman nose, and eyes crowded up
together under gold-rimmed spectacles. As she held my
card in her hand and looked at me with a narrow-gauge

BORN WITH EMERALDS— NEMO NOCETUR. 8 1

gaze, piercing my inmost thoughts, and with that dis
couraging " Well !-what-can-I-do~for-you?" expression, I
felt all my courage going. My necessities aroused me
from my cowardice, and I said as bravely as I could:

" I have had the good fortune to read your advertise
ment, madam, in the paper this morning, and have come
in answer to it. May I see the professor?"

Looking curiously at my card and then over her glasses
at me, she said, in a voice like an animated telephone
through which some one was speaking at the other end:

"The advertisement was for a teacher, not for a pupil."

"I am perfectly aware of that," I answered, "and
came in response, to offer my services to the professor."

A most quizzical expression bunched up the corners
of her mouth and wiggled across her little colorless eyes,
as she said:

"I will send the professor down to you."

Looking over her spectacles again, as if for a verifica
tion of her first impression of me, she was gone.

Returning after a little while, she said:

"The professor requested me to ask if you would be
so good as to come up into the recitation-room."

I saw as soon as I had entered that a description of me
had preceded my coming, and not a very flattering one,
either, I judged, from the faces of the professor and the
pupils.

The class consisted of fourteen young ladies, all of
them apparently older than I was. The professor fin
ished the sentence he was translating on the board,
rubbed it out, wiped his hands on the cloth, replaced it,
came forward and was duly presented by Miss Mclntosh,
who remained in the room. He had a pleasant, round,
smooth face, a bald head and large gray eyes, was short
and stout, with a sympathetic, cultured voice and manner.

82 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

" Miss Mclntosh tells me you came in reply to my ad
vertisement. I have been forced to advertise in order to
save time, as my going abroad is unexpected and brooks
no delay."

" I am very glad you had no option but to advertise,
else it might not have been my good fortune to know of,
and respond to, your wants, sir."

" And you have really come to apply for the position ? "
he asked.

" I have, sir."

The expression on Miss Mclntosh's face, the nudging
and suppressed titter among the pupils which this an
swer brought forth was not calculated to lessen my em
barrassment.

" Have you had any experience in teaching?"

"No, sir," I said.

" May I ask where you were educated."

" At home, except for two years, sir," I answered. <( Then
I went to Lynchburg College, where I was graduated."

"Is that in England?"

"Oh, no, sir," said I, with astonishment at his igno
rance, and then recollecting myself just as I was about to
inform him that Lynchburg was the fifth town in popu
lation in Virginia, was on the south bank of the James
River, one hundred and sixteen miles from the capital of
the State, and within view of the Blue Ridge mountains
and Peaks of Otter, I stopped short, embarrassed by my
imprudence. The professor, taking no notice of my con
fusion, went on to say:

"And so you were graduated there? My class here
has just finished Caesar. Do you remember how Caesar
commences? "

" Yes, sir," I said, and repeated: " Gallia est omnis di-
visa in partes ires"

BORN WITH EMERALDS— NEMO NOCETUR. 83

"You have the Continental pronunciation, I see."

He gave me several sentences to translate; then an ode
from Horace and some selections from Catullus and
Tibullus. By this time the pupils were silent, and Miss
Mclntosh's expression was changed.

He then asked me to write and parse a sentence, which
I did, saying sotto voce as he took the chalk from me:

"That was a catch question."

" Please translate and parse this," said he, without
noticing my aside, and he wrote in Latin, "The President
of the United States said * nobody is hurt —

" Before he wrote any further, instead of translating, I
looked up at him and said:

" But, oh, sir! somebody was hurt."

Quickly he cleared the board, put down the cloth,
wiped his hands, turned his face to me and offering his
hand, said, not to my surprise, because I had faith in
prayer, but rather to that of Miss Mclntosh and the
young ladies:

" I will engage you, Mrs. Edwards, and will be respon
sible for you."

We then went down to the parlor, and I gave him the
names of the only friends I had in Montreal of whom he
could make inquiries regarding me. The next day I gave
my first lesson to the class. I became very fond of them
all and, after my embarrassment of the first few days, got
along very well with them.

The General was very curious to know where I went
every day, but, knowing it gave me great pleasure to be
thus mysterious, humored me and asked no questions.

My first month's salary was spent in part payment on
an overcoat for him, and only Our Father and the angels
know what joy filled my heart, that with the work of my
hands I could give him comfort. Then my secret was out.

PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

I was sorry when the cold weather came. The snows
not only put an end to the military reviews, but covered
up the beautiful green. There were very few diversions
for us, but I was just as happy as it was possible for me
to be. Indeed, those were the very happiest days of my
whole life, and I was almost sorry when General Rufus
Ingalls wrote a letter to my husband, inclosing a kind
personal letter from General Grant, together with the fol
lowing official assurance of his safety:

cml $nnrtcis

BORN WITH EMERALDS— NEMO NOCETUR. 85

General Grant also wrote that it had not been at all
necessary for us to go away in the first place, and that
the terms of his cartel should have been respected, even
though it had necessitated another declaration of war.

We stopped in New York en route to Virginia, ex
pecting to remain there only three or four days, but we
found that our board had been paid in advance for two
weeks, that a carriage had been put at our service for that
length of time, and that in our box was a pack of wine-
cards marked "Paid." To this day I do not know how
many people's guests we were, for a great many of Gen
eral Pickett's old army friends were there at the time, and
they all vied with each oth.r in making it pleasant and
happy for us.

CHAPTER XII.

TURKEY ISLAND.

As soon as we could make our plans we went down
to Turkey Island, our plantation on the banks of the
James River. A rough cottage, hastily built, stood on
the site of the grand old colonial mansion burned by
Butler. Around it were the great melancholy stumps of
the old oaks and elms which Butler had seen fit to cut
down.

Turkey Island, called by the Federal soldiers Turkey
Bend, is in Henrico County, which is one of the original
shires into which Virginia was divided in 1634.

Historic Richmond, the State capital, a town estab
lished in the reign of George II., on land belonging to
Colonel Byrd, is its county-seat. Brandon, the home of
the Harrisons; Shirley, the home of the Carters; and
Westover, the home of the Byrds, where Arnold landed
on the 4th of January, 1781, and proceeded on his march
toward Richmond, are neighboring plantations; and Mal-
vern Hill, where one of our internecine battles was fought,
adjoins Turkey Island.

Not far distant is the famous Dutch Gap canal, the
useful legacy which Butler left to the State of Virginia,
and which, in the advantages it gave the commonwealth,
to some extent atoned to my General for the destruction
of the Pickett home.

Diverting his troops for a time from wanton spolia
tion, Butler set them to digging a canal at Dutch Gap to
connect the James and Appomattox, thereby shortening

TURKE Y ISLAND. 8 J

by seven miles the road to Richmond, and placing the
State traffic under a permanent obligation to his memory.
To protect his men while they worked, he stationed his
prisoners in the trench beside them, in order that the
Confederates might not yield to the otherwise irresistible
temptation to fire upon them.

Butler may not have been gifted with that fascinating
suavity of demeanor which is necessary to render a man
an ever-sparkling ornament to society, but, from a prac
tical, business point of view, he was not wholly destitute
of commendable qualities. His Dutch Gap canal is not
only a lasting monument to his progressive spirit, but a
benefit to commerce, and an interesting feature which has
attracted visitors from many nations.

Out on a point of the plantation, back from the river
in a clump of trees — the beginning of the big woods — is
still standing a most interesting monument. The top of
it was broken off by Butler's troops in a search for hid
den treasure. It was erected by William and Mary Ran
dolph in 1771. The following is a copy of the inscription
on one of its sides:

The foundation of this pillar was laid in 1771, when all the great
rivers of this country were swept by inundations never before experi
enced; which changed the face of nature and left traces of their violence
that will remain for ages.

My first visit to this monument is one of the sweetest
memories of my Turkey Island life. I had gone with my
husband to hunt rabbits and birds — a hunt more for the
meat than for the sport in those poverty-stricken days,
when our larders were greatly dependent upon the water
and the woods.

The day was fine, and the dew was yet glistening as
we came suddenly and without warning within touch of

00 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

the gray, broken monument shut in and surrounded by
the great forest trees. In silence and solemn awe, in the
strange light and sudden cool beneath the shadows my
hero-soldier stacked his gun and, raising his cap, he
gently and silently reached for my hand. I slipped it
into his and drew close to him. A bird was singing in
the distance.

"God's choir," he said, and in his beautiful voice sang
his favorite hymn, "Guide me, O, thou great Jehovah."
Then he taught me these lines:

The groves are God's first temples. Ere man learned

To hew the shaft, and lay the architrave,

And spread the roof above them — ere he framed

The lofty vault to gather and roll back

The sound of anthems; in the darkling wood,

Amidst the cool and silence, he knelt down,

And offered to the Mightiest solemn thanks

And supplication.

" Is not that monument one of the oldest in Virginia?"

1 asked of my General, who, I believed, knew everything.

" No," he said. " There are many older, but the oldest
one in the United States, I believe, is one erected to a
poor fellow who died on your birthday. It is on the
banks of Neabsco Creek in Fairfax County. Once when
I was on furlough Snelling and I came across it and
copied it down. The poor fellow was a companion of
John Smith. The inscription on the monument simply
said:

"'Here lies ye body of Lieut. William Herris, who
died May 16, 1608, aged 65 years; by birth a Briton; a
good soldier, a good husband and neighbor.'"

These rambles over the fields and woods, through the
clover and sweetbrier, keeping step and chitting with
my General where he, as a boy, had often tramped with his

TURKEY ISLAND. 89

father, are among the blessedest of my blessed memories.
My husband's classic taste and perfect harmony and sim
ple, pure heart made him a great lover of nature, and the
trees and the plants, the stones, the sod, the ground, the
waters, the sky, and all living animals, were his kin.

Though my warrior was a lion in battle, he was gentle,
amiable, good-humored, affectionate, and hospitable in
his home. The same exuberant and hopeful spirit which
cheered and encouraged his soldiers in the field was felt
in his home life. All the world are witnesses of his pa
triotism and unselfishness, as he offered his life for the
success of the cause in which he had faith. He was never
disheartened by the most complicated difficulties. Un
spoiled by fame, just and loyal, he deserved the love he
received — for he was worshiped by his family, idolized
by his soldiers, honored by all parties and all nations —
my brave warrior, as simple as a child, as high-minded as
he of whom the word-magician said:

Every god did seem to set his seal, to give the world assurance
of a man.

It was here, on the site of the old home, beautiful
still, though so sadly changed, among the dead stumps
where once waved the foliage of the magnificent ancestral
trees, we began to write our story for our children and, as
the General said, " for the children of the old division,
if it is good enough."

Far away from our dear old Turkey Island and the
sweet old days I finish the task which we, in happy
mood, set for ourselves.

CHAPTER XIII.

MEXICAN AND INDIAN WARS.

" Right or wrong, my country." Statesmen may argue
— soldiers must fight.

When in 1819 the United States, in the exuberance of
her territorial wealth, voluntarily threw Texas into the
hands of Spain as a bonus for the cession of Florida, for
which adequate compensation had been already given,
it would have taken a far-sighted statesman to foretell
that the lavish extravagance would sometime furnish
occasion for an unjust war of aggression.

The seeds were sown then with spendthrift hand, to be
reaped in a harvest of darkness little more than a quarter
of a century later and, whatever a soldier may have
thought of the justice of the cause, his duty was to follow
his flag.

The West Point class of 1846 probably held that all
that "pomp and circumstance of glorious war" was set
upon the stage especially for their instruction and em
ployment. Whether it was or not, that fortunate class
was ushered upon the scene just in time to get the full
benefit of the situation.

Thus it happened that when General Scott led to
the siege of Vera Cruz his devoted band of warriors,
accompanied by a pontoon-train, " to cross rivers," in
a region conspicuously devoid of those picturesque
physical features, Lieutenant George E. Pickett, just
from West Point, was one of the number. I quote from
a letter just received from Major Edwin A. Sherman,

which ai
it would
that the

occaso

. issation Had been* already g
a far-sighted statesman to foretell
extravagance would sometime furnish
unjust war of aggression,

e sown then with sr ~> be

~st of darkness iiitle more -than *. <{*&rtef
ter and, whatever a tidier s*a« h»vc
^tice oi the cause, h

that "p
upon t]
ployme

us it ii'iij
iege of V'

icd b

int class of 1846 probably held tital all
circumstance of glorious wa* " wns set
especially for their instruction and em
2th"er it was or not, that fortunate class
n the scene just in time to get the full

>n.

tijcd that *hcn General Scott Ie<l U»

«a CTM» J«^ $e#oted band ol w^flhNW%

i t " to cro- ir

MEXICAN AND INDIAN WARS. QI

of California, a comrade of Lieutenant Pickett in those
early days:

I knew the gallant George E. Pickett when he first received his
commission as second lieutenant in the United States army and joined
his regiment, the Eighth United States Infantry, Colonel and Brevet
Major-General William J. Worth, soon after the battle of Monterey;
and at Saltillo, Mexico, under General Zachary Taylor; and under Gen
eral Winfield Scott from Vera Cruz to the capture of the City of Mexico.

He was in the first line in order of landing on the
beach of Collado on the gth of March, 1847, when the
setting sun was reflected from the silvery crown of Ori
zaba, the batteries of San Juan de Ulloa frowning down
upon the intruders and giving them grim welcome with a
menacing salute of heavy guns.

On March 22 General Scott summoned the city of Vera
Cruz and the castle to surrender, an invitation which
was declined with that distinguished politeness which
marks the bearing of the Spaniard, whether in the sunny
land of the ancient Castilian, or the more rugged sur
roundings which environ the inhabitants of the Spanish
regions of the New World.

Unfortunately for the gallant little city of Vera Cruz,
revolutions do not stop in Spanish- American countries for
a slight circumstance like a foreign invasion. Invasions are,
in a manner, accidental and epidemic in character — revo
lutions are endemic, perennial, and necessary to civic and
aesthetic existence. The only time that a Spanish-Ameri
can may be said to be in danger of falling into melan
cholia and contracting hypochondriac dyspepsia is in the
accidental interlude that may once in a very great while
intervene between revolutions.

One of these festivities was at that time prevailing in
the City of Mexico, and the brave little town of Vera
Cruz, with its garrison of thirty-three hundred and sixty

92 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

men, counting the castle force, was left to cht>ose between
death and the eternal stain of infamy which would blot her
honor if she tamely surrendered. She chose death.

The sister city of Puebla, having a vacation between
revolutions, sent twenty thousand dollars to assist in pre
paring for the siege, and medical and surgical supplies
were procured with money gained by the ladies of Vera
Cruz by means of amateur theatrical performances. Per
haps it is well for the race that the human mind does not
lose its interest in the mimic stage even in the presence
of the most solemn and impressive tragedy of real life.

With a thorough knowledge of the fact that the city
could not be successfully defended by an inside force,
even though it had been much larger than it actually
was, heroic little Vera Cruz shut herself up within her old
Spanish walls to die for honor.

For seven days the doomed city endured a combined
assault of Scott's army and a terrific tempest of wind and
sand which nature had precipitated upon the unfortunate
little town. On the morning of the 2Qth of March the
garrison marched out with all the honors of war through
the Gate of Mercy, stacked arms in the Plain of Cocos,
the lowered colors saluted by a conqueror whose respect
and admiration could withhold no honor which might be
granted to a vanquished but not inglorious foe.

It may be interesting to the reader of subsequent his
tory to note that the batteries turned with such telling
effect against the courageous little garrison of Vera Cruz
were arranged by Robert E. Lee, captain of engineers, a
member of General Scott's military staff, with the assist
ance of Lieutenant Beauregard.

Plucky little Vera Cruz having been disposed of, Gen
eral Scott started on a northwest march, his object being
the City of Mexico, two hundred miles away. Santa Anna

MEXICAN AND INDIAN WARS. 93

had some days the start of him, and when the division
of General Twiggs reached the pass of Cerro Gordo he
found there a battery and a hostile line crossing the road.

Captain Joseph E. Johnston, topographical engineer,
discovered these obstacles to comfortable progress, hav
ing the misfortune, while prospecting for them, to arrest
two musket-balls proceeding on their lively way. Some
of us may be impressed by the fact that Joseph E. early
formed the habit of stopping musket-balls, and that it
lingered with him uncomfortably until a much later period
in his military career.

Santa Anna, being aware of these explorations on the
part of the invader, spent the I2th of August in examin
ing his lines and preparing for an attack the next day.
Having attended to his military duties, he dined with his
staff and high officers, enjoying the patriotic music of his
fine band, and congratulating himself and his friends upon
the prospect of having yellow fever as a valuable ally in
fighting the enemy, a pious aspiration which has since
been known to bring solace to the Spanish mind.

The longed-for ally did not appear in time to be of
service, and the next day the crags of Cerro Gordo,
through which Santa Anna had said "not even a goat
could pick his way," were overrun with the soldiers of
General Shields. Santa Anna's chief of cuirassiers,
Velasco, fell at the foot of Telegrafo; and Vasquez, the
central hero of the Mexican army, the admiration of
friend and foe alike, surrounded by the guns of his bat
tery, had the happiness to meet a soldier's glorious
death.

In the rocky cliffs of the Telegrafo, Captain John B.
Magruder gave evidence of those fighting qualities which
were afterward to be used against the flag for which he
was now doing such valiant battle.

94 PICK'S TT AND HIS MEN.

The way to Mexico was opened on the igth and 20th
of August by the battle of Contreras, in which our young
Second-Lieutenant Pickett received his first wound in the
service of his country. This experience, however, did not
prevent his doing good work at the battle of Churubusco,
he being in one of the two regiments which crossed the
Rio Churubusco and held the causeway which led to the
city. The historian says:

Brevet-Major George Wright, Captains Bumford and Larkin Smith,
First Lieutenant and Adjutant James Longstreet, Second Lieutenants
James G. S. Snelling and George E. Pickett, of the Eighth Infantry,
were all distinguished at this point.

There is more than one name in that list of the glorious
old Eighth which will be seen again in the record of the
nation's history. The brevet which Lieutenant Pickett
received for distinguished gallantry at Contreras and
Churubusco must have had as much influence as the min
istrations of the surgeons in healing all his wounds.

He was more fortunate in the battle of El Molino del
Rey from which, though he was one of the storming party
that Worth sent against the mill in this most bloody of
the battles of the Mexican war, he emerged without a
scratch. His brother lieutenant, J. G. S. Snelling, was
less happy, being severely wounded in the charge.

After this battle, which resulted in the complete rout
of the Mexican army, Santa Anna, to revive the sinking
spirits of his people, proclaimed that he had won a great
victory. This circumstance may serve to recall to the
mind of the reader of recent events the old adage, " His
tory repeats itself."

East of Molino del Rey was a magnificent grove of
cypress trees planted by the kings away back in the days
of Aztec glory. Here Montezuma had his villa, Chapul-

MEXICAN AND INDIAN WARS. Q5

tepee, "the hill of the grasshopper," and here, on the
morning of July 13, 1847, ^e^ the last descendant of that
brave old monarch, fighting with the usurpers under
whose cruel hand had sunk the glory of his great ancestor.

Chapultepec was the key to the City of Mexico and,
as it stood in sullen strength, crowned by batteries, sur
rounded by breastworks and defended by mines, it must
have seemed to the observer that the capital was securely
locked and bolted.

Fourteen hours of steady fire on the I2th of Septem
ber prepared the way for the grand assault of the I3th.
In this attack Lieutenant-Colonel J. E. Johnston led one
column. Lieutenant Lewis A. Armistead, of the Sixth
Infantry, was the first to leap into the great ditch sur
rounding the fortress.

Ascending the hill to the castle, Lieutenant James
Longstreet was severely wounded, and was carried off the
field by Captain Bumford. As he fell Lieutenant Pickett
sprang to his place and led on the men. The colors of
the regiment were borne by Corporal McCauly of Company
I, who fell wounded, being the sixth color-bearer to be shot
within five days. Lieutenant Pickett seized the flag, carried
it as he charged up the height, and, while the battle raged
below, took down the Mexican standard and planted the
colors of the Eighth Regiment with the national flag in
triumph on the summit of the castle of Chapultepec.
For this act of gallantry he was brevetted captain.

Mr. Sherman says of Lieutenant Pickett at this time:

In all the battles from the siege of Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, Chu-
rubusco, and Molino del Rey, when he was the first to plant the American
flag and the colors of his regiment upon the parapet of the castle of
Chapultepec, to the surrender of the City of Mexico, he carved a path
way of glory and fame in the years of his younger manhood, that com
manded the admiration and pride of all who had the honor to serve with
and under him to the entrance of the Halls of the Montezumas. His ex-

g PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

ample inspired the rank and file of his regiment to the highest pitch of
courage and valor, that warranted the promotion of some of them from
the ranks to commissioned officers in the army for gallantry upon the
field of battle.

Lieutenant Jackson, later known to fame as "Stone
wall," led a section of Magruder's artillery, and was bre-
vetted major for skill and bravery.

The battle of Chapultepec was pervaded with a literary
atmosphere by the presence of Captain Mayne Reid.

Having successfully turned the key, the American
army proceeded to march on to the citadel by the way of
the gates Belen and San Cosme. Over the Belen gate
Quitman, after a fierce contest, waved the flag of the
Palmetto regiment in token of victory.

The gallant Eighth was a part of the column led by
Worth against the gate of San Cosme. In the fierce
struggle which resulted in the surrender of the last bar
rier to the Mexican capital, Lieutenant Pickett did valiant
service, for which he has received honorable mention in
history. On the night of the I3th Santa Anna evacuated
the City of Mexico, and on the morning of the I4th
Scott's army took possession of the Halls of the Monte-
zumas.

Thus the curtain fell on the first act in the drama of
the military career of the youthful warrior who was des
tined to lead the greatest charge known to history.

After the close of the Mexican war Lieutenant Pickett
served for a number of years in Texas and upon the
southern frontier.

He commanded a company in the Ninth Infantry,
which was recruited and organized at Old Point Comfort
in the summer of 1855. Early in December the regiment
was ordered to the Pacific coast by way of the Isthmus,
and left Fortress Monroe on the St. Louis. Before it

MEXICAN AND INDIAN WARS. 97

reached the Isthmus it was divided, six companies under
Colonel Wright being placed on one of the Pacific steam
ers. Four companies, one of which was Captain Pick-
ett's, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Casey, set
sail on another steamer.

The voyage to San Francisco, where the first stop was
made, consumed between three and four weeks. Here
the regiment was ordered to Oregon and Washington
Territories, six companies going to Fort Vancouver, and
four to Puget Sound.

Captain Pickett's company was one of those which
went to the Sound, and was soon after stationed at Bel-
lingham Bay, where their captain remained as command
ing officer.

An Indian war was then raging, the tribes in all the
region from California to British America, numbering
about forty-two thousand warriors, having risen against
the northwestern settlers. Opposed to this formidable
array were fourteen hundred regulars and two thousand
volunteers. Two years of warfare reduced the Indians to
such a degree of submission that no tribe among them,
except the Modocs, ever again made war.

Captain Pickett was greatly distinguished in this war,
not only as a soldier, but as a promoter of the arts of
peace. He made friends even of his enemies, learning
the dialects of the different tribes, that he might be able
to teach them better principles of life than any they had
known.

Over them he exerted an almost mesmeric influence.
The red men were all his friends, but the most devoted
among them were the Nootkams and Chinooks, who
greeted and spoke of him always as "Hyas Tyee," "Hyas
Kloshe Tyee," "Nesika Tyee," "Great Chief," "Great
Good Chief," "Our Chief." He translated into their own

98 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

tp
jargon, and taught them to say, and to sing, some of our

most beautiful hymns and national airs, and the Lord's
Prayer:

Nesika Papa klaksta mitlite kopa saghalie, tik-egh
pee kloshe kopa nesika turn-turn Mika nem; Kloshe pee
Kloshe Mika hyas Saghalie Tyee kopa konaway tilikum:
Klosha kwah-ne-sum Mika turn-turn kopa illahie, kakwa
kopa Mika saghalie. Potlatch konaway sun nesika muck-
amuck pee chuck pee itl-wil-lie. Spose nesika mamook
masachie, wake Mika hyas Saghalie Tyee hyas solleks,
pee spose klaksta massachie kopa nesika, klaksta mitlite
kee-kwi-he, nesika solleks kopa klaska. Mam-ook tip-
shin nesika kok-shut. Mahsh siah kopa nesika kon-away
massachie. Nesika turn-turn pee tik-egh. Wah-ne-sun.
Kloshe kahkwa.

Our Father who lives in the far above, beloved and
hallowed in our hearts [be] Thy name; Great and good
Thou great The above Chief among all people: Good
always Thy will upon earth as in Thy far above. Give
every day our food and water and meat. If we do ill,
[be] not Thou [the] great far above Chief very angry,
and if any one evil towards us, not we angry towards
them. Mend up our broken ways. Send away far from
us all evil. Thine is the great strength and love. For
all the suns. Good so.

When Captain Pickett quitted the Pacific coast he left
no truer mourners than these simple aborigines, whose
hearts had yielded to kindness as the flower opens to the
gentle rays of the sun.

CHAPTER XIV.

SAN JUAN.

When Charles II., on the i6th of May, 1670, granted a
charter to the Hudson's Bay Company, composed of
Prince Rupert and seventeen other enterprising spirits,
with the primary object of "the discovery of a new pas
sage into the South Sea," as the Pacific Ocean was then
known, and the secondary purpose of trade with foreign
countries, he did not look forward to the complications
which would arise therefrom for future generations to un
ravel. It was not a characteristic of the Stuarts to take
thought of the morrow. They followed their own sweet
will to-day, happy if on the morrow some other head
came off instead of their own. In the case of the Hud
son's Bay Company, in addition to other disadvantages, a
nice piece of other people's property was lost to the
English crown, an experience which is regarded as dele
terious to the British constitution.

Charles II., like some other men, had come into the
world nearly a century too late for the full perfection of
his plans; that is, if he ever had any plans except for the
extraction of as much amusement as possible out of the
passing moment, and the murder of the unfortunate peo
ple who had been most loyal to him in his exile. If his
schemes included any permanent designs upon the north
west coast of America, Alexander VI., Pope of Rome,
had thwarted them by preceding the royal robber and
making the most of the advantage which accrues to the
man who is first upon the field, if he has the wit to

100 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

•I

comprehend his privileges and the force to seize upon
them.

Under the papal bull of 1493, Spain claimed by dis
covery the entire Pacific coast from Panama to Nootka
Sound on Vancouver's Island, including harbors, islands
and fisheries, and extending indefinitely inland, covering
the original Oregon Territory, which contained Oregon,
Washington, Idaho and British Columbia, up to fifty-four
forty. Spain has never fallen behind the most enterpris
ing regions of the world in the matter of claiming things.
Her weakness lies mainly in respect to holding them.

In 1513, when, from a promontory, the delighted vision
of Balboa first rested upon the peaceful waves of the
Pacific, which by their gentle movement gave to the great
sea its reposeful name, the discoverer of this majestic
ocean took possession of it for his king as a private sea.

In 1558 that most distinguished pirate, Sir Francis
Drake, visited the northwestern coast, and in 1579 he
erected a monument there to signify the fact that he had
graciously accepted the sovereignty of that region for his
queen, who occasionally turned from her amiable vocation
of cutting off the heads of her lovers and otherwise
bringing those devoted victims to discomfiture, to the
truly royal British diversion of accepting her neighbor's
lands.

The first attempt of the English to open traffic on the
northwestern coast met with opposition from the Spanish
government, and for nearly two centuries the rival nations
enjoyed the privilege, so dear to regal souls, of carrying
on a desultory warfare over the territory occupied by
beasts clothed in furs worth far more in the markets of
the world than the human beings who, tortured by the
greed and oppression of despotic European powers,
might have found a refuge here.' It is not alone in the

SAN JUAN. JP1

nineteenth century that man has fallen below par in the
market-place.

England claimed the right to the trade accruing from
the facilities so lavishly afforded by nature on the north
western coast, but when she attempted to enforce that al
leged right Spain captured and confiscated her vessels.
This action brought the question into the tangled web of
diplomacy, wherein verbal niceties are skilfully made to
do service instead of batteries and bayonets, as being
safer and better adapted to the gradually deteriorating
physiques of men.

In 1789 the issue was made at Nootka Sound. The
younger Pitt, actuated by an inherited hatred of Spain,
shaped the policy which ended in the Nootka treaty of
1790. There is no doubt as to the strength of Pitt's ani
mosity to the rival country, but the power of his diplo
macy may be questioned, in view of the fact that Great
Britain failed in her effort to secure the coveted division
of territory, and was granted only the right to navigate,
trade and fish on the northwestern coast. The treaty was
exclusively commercial, and in nowise territorial. Spain
retained her sovereignty over all the land. Four years
later Spain, without formally relinquishing her rights,
withdrew from Nootka Sound and fixed her boundary at
the present northern limit of California. This removed
from the situation Spain as an actual claimant. This
treaty was abrogated in 1796 by the war between England
and Spain.

As a result of the fall of the French power in North
America on the Plains of Abraham one sad September
day in 1759, France transferred to Spain all her territorial
possessions on the west of the Mississippi, being impelled
thereto by the necessities of war and by the fear that her
remaining American possessions might fall into British

PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

hands. She never recovered from this blow to her inter
ests and her pride, and in 1800 was quite ready to accept
the offer of the King of Spain to exchange Louisiana for
Tuscany, in order to secure a bridal present for his daughter,
who, having married too small a fraction of the earth for
a royal potato-patch, must be provided with a piece of
ground worth reigning over. This Spanish territory of
Louisiana included the former territory of Oregon, and
by this barter passed over to France.

Failing in his ambition to restore a grand new France
in America, and fearing the growing encroachments of
the English, Napoleon, in 1803, sold the territory to the
United States, who, by this purchase, acquired all that
Spain had ever held in the Northwest above the forty-
second parallel, which Spain claimed extended to fifty-
four forty. The claim to all the coast up to the forty-ninth
parallel is made absolute by the fact that the treaty of
Utrecht fixed the limit of the French possessions at that
point, and when France yielded to Spain in 1762 all her
possessions west of the Mississippi, Spain had constantly
affirmed her title up to fifty-four forty. Subsequently she
conveyed to France all her claim to the forty-ninth paral
lel and it was afterward conveyed to the United States
by France. In 1814 a new commercial treaty was made
between Great Britain and Spain, reaffirming the Nootka
treaty, which was a virtual concession by Great Britain
of the claim of Spain to fifty-four forty. Anything that
Spain owned beyond this was ceded to the United States
by the Florida treaty of 1819, which transferred all the
Spanish possessions north of forty-two.

These transactions left the question of boundary which
followed the old Spanish claim to be settled by England,
Russia and the United States, Russia's claim being based
on the discoveries of Bering. Later Russia put forth a

SAN JUAN. 103

claim to all the northwest coast and islands north of lati
tude fifty-one. John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of
State, denied that Russia had any claim south of fifty-five.
Great Britain also protested. The American objections
were emphasized in 1823 by the Monroe Doctrine, which
provided that the American continents were not to be
considered subjects of colonization by any European
power. It was finally agreed that the United States
should not make claims north of fifty-four forty, nor the
Russians south of that line. A like agreement was made
with Great Britain, and the two were to continue ten years,
with the privilege of navigation and trade where they had
previously existed. At the end of the stipulated decade
Russia served notice on the other two governments of the
discontinuance of British and American trade and navi
gation north of fifty-four forty.

Russia had previously established two posts in Cali
fornia, the existence of which was an annoyance to Eng
land, and after various devices for ridding the lower coast
of the unwelcome intrusion, Russia agreed, at the re
quest of the United States, to withdraw from California
and relinquish all claim south of fifty-four forty. This
removed Russia from the competition for Oregon, and left
England and the United States to adjust the quarrel be
tween themselves.

Among the claims made by Great Britain was that of
the Columbia River, a claim based upon " original dis
covery." There were other "original" things connected
with this subject besides the "discovery"; in fact, much
more "original" than the discovery.

Captain Robert Gray, of the American ship Columbia,
found the river and gave it the name of his vessel. He
afterward told Vancouver of the existence and location of
the stream, whereupon Vancouver, with true British en-

IO4 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

terprise, went to the point designated and proceeded to
discover the river with scientific precision and phenome
nal keenness. It is possible that, to the obscure vision of
an unenlightened world, such a "discovery" might not
come strictly under the descriptive title of "original,"
but the English government promptly invested it with
novelty by inventing a phase of "original discovery"
henceforth to be known as "progressive." In the fine
art of diplomatic verbiage England has always held the
position of past master.

From this time Oregon furnished a subject of con
tention for the statesmen of England and the United
States. It lay like a smoldering fire, half darkened
under its ashes until a little wind of excitement would
blow suddenly against it and fan it into a vivid flame to
burn brightly till the breeze shifted to some other
quarter and the flame would sink again into a fitful
slumber.

It was claimed by the United States that the Oregon
country between forty-two and fifty-four forty was part
of the Louisiana cession made by Napoleon in 1803.
England refusing to recognize this claim, the question re
mained unsettled until 1818, when a treaty of joint occu
pancy was agreed upon, and renewed in 1827. The con
ditions of this treaty were that there should be equality
between the two nations in their occupancy of this terri
tory. It is unnecessary to state that the equality, if it
ever existed, soon disappeared. There may come a time
when the lion will lie down with the lamb on some other
condition than the one predicted by a modern prophet,
that the lamb will be inside of the lion, but the lion in the
case will not be of that species known as the British lion.

This situation, with all its discomforts, continued until
the Presidential campaign of 1844, when the Democratic

SAN JUAN. IO5

platform sent the war-cry of " fifty-four forty or fight,"
resounding throughout the land.

This belligerent alternative was averted by the treaty
of June 15, 1846, which drew the line of division south
ward in such a way as to give the whole of Vancouver's
Island to the English and reserve to the United States the
archipelago of which San Juan Island is a part. This
concession was made by the United States to avoid cut
ting through Vancouver's and thus depriving the British
of a part of the island. A few months later Great Britain
manifested a desire to claim a line through Rosario Strait,
near the continent, as the boundary, thus throwing all the
islands of the Haro Archipelago within British juris
diction. This attempt was promptly met by Mr. Ban
croft, then minister to England, and for a time it was
apparently abandoned.

In January, 1848, Mr. Crampton, the British minister
to the United States, submitted a proposition which in
volved the transference to Great Britain of all the islands
in the Haro Archipelago.

In 1852 the Territory of Oregon included the Haro
Archipelago in one of its counties. After this the Hud
son's Bay Company, always the rival and enemy of the
United States in the Northwest, established a post on San
Juan.

This company had for nearly two centuries been the
obstacle in the way of peace and progress in the North
west. Prince Rupert and his seventeen capitalists had
developed into a corporation as fiercely opposed to civi
lization as modern monopolies have proven themselves.
The Hudson's Bay Company was the precursor in the
New World of the oil monopoly, the harbinger of the
sugar trust. Like them, it laid its heavy hand upon
every enterprise that might benefit the race. The desert

106 PICKET 'T AND HIS MEN.

•

that might have been developed into a flower-garden
must be kept in its barrenness lest the bloom of the roses
should attract some human interest beside the monstrous
one of greed. The wilderness that might have given way
to happy homes and golden fields of grain must be kept
in its pristine stage of gloomy silence — not for the sake
of the glory of its stately trees and the solemn grandeur
of its mystic twilight aisles, nor for the melody of its
birds and the grace and beauty of its wild-beast life. Not
for any of these must nature forever reign queen of the
North Pacific coast, but only that the steel trap of the
hunter might never lack a victim, and the pockets of
Prince Rupert's worthy descendants never go empty.

Since the bird of unwisdom saved the queen city of the
world, and two great nations fought a bloody war on ac
count of an old bucket, subjects usually regarded as trivial
have been known to play important parts in the history
of nations. The story of San Juan was enlivened by the
festive gambols of a cheerful pig belonging to the Hud
son's Bay Company. This enterprising animal had a
habit of pursuing his useful vocation of rooting, in a gar
den pertaining to Mr. Lyman A. Cutlar, an American
occupant of the island. The relations of Mr. Cutlar to
the invaded premises prevented his appreciating to their
full worth the frugal virtues which in other circumstances
might have won high respect. He remonstrated with the
company to no effect and, taking the matter into his own
hands, the unfortunate pig fell a victim, like many another
innocent creature, to the strained political relations of the
two rival nations.

Having permanently removed the pig as an animated
factor ofj.dissension, Mr. Cutlar offered to pay twice the
value of it by way of establishing amicable relations with
its former owners. Pork had experienced a sudden rise

SAN JUAN. ID/

in the British market, and the worth of this particular
sample had risen into the realm of international ethics
and was not to be computed in terms of filthy lucre.
The next day the British steamer Beaver brought an
officer ashore to arrest Cutlar and take him to Victoria
for trial. Pointing his rifle at the officer, Cutlar replied
that they might take him to Victoria, but they would have
to kill him first. The officer, not feeling quite safe in
precipitating a crisis just then, withdrew, and the porcine
incident was diplomatically regarded as closed.

When the northern part of Oregon was separated into
a new Territory called Washington, the islands of the
Archipelago were included in Whatcom County. In 1855
the Hudson's Bay Company refused to pay the taxes as
sessed upon its property, and that property was adver
tised and sold to meet the demand. In the correspond
ence which ensued between the governors of Vancouver's
Island and Washington Territory, the governor of Van
couver's asserted his instructions to regard the islands as
a part of the British dominion. Crampton laid this corre
spondence before the State Department with a renc vval of
his proposition for a joint commission to determine the
boundary-line, suggesting "the expediency of the adoption
by both governments of the channel marked as the only
known navigable channel by Vancouver as that desig
nated in the treaty." This meant to run the line through
Vancouver's Strait and give up to Great Britain the Haro
Archipelago.

On the nth of August, 1856, an act was passed au
thorizing a commission to unite with similar officers ap
pointed by the British government, each commissioner
being instructed as to the duties he was t<* perform.
Archibald Campbell was appointed commissioner on the
part of the United States, with John G. Parke, chief as-

108 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

•
tronomer and surveyor; and Captain James G. Prevost,

first commissioner for the British government, and Cap
tain Richards, chief astronomer and surveyor of the
British commission, as second commissioner.

On the 27th of June, 1857, the first official meeting of
the joint commission was held. The British commander
stated that he could do nothing until the arrival of Cap
tain Richards. Having waited until the close of Octo
ber, Captain Prevost decided to accept the coast-survey
charts as accurate, and consented to adopt them for the
determination of the boundary. On the 26th of October
the commission met at Esquimalt Harbor, Vancouver's
Island, with the understanding that they were invested
with full powers. The discussion of the boundary ques
tion was had with this understanding on the part of the
United States commissioner.

As was to be expected, the commissioners failed to
agree on the subject of a satisfactory boundary, it being
somewhat difficult to interpret satisfactorily a treaty with
some one who has in advance made up his mind, and
openly declared his intention, as had the British com
missioners, to accept only that interpretation which will
award to him the subject-matter of contention. A decision
which shall in no way rffect the claim of one of the parties
to the dispute is scarcely worth the trouble of making.

The United States claimed the Canal de Haro as the
boundary, because it was the main channel south of the
forty-ninth parallel leading into the Strait of Fuca, and
it would secure the sole object for which the line was
deflected south from the forty-ninth parallel, that is, to
give the whole of Vancouver's Island to Great Britain.

The British commissioner claimed Rosario Strait as
the boundary, on the ground that it coincided with what
he called "the very peculiar wording" of the treaty. He

SAN JUAN. IO9

assumed that the Rosario Strait answered to the require
ment of the language, "separates the continent from Van
couver's Island," whereas Canal de Haro merely "sepa
rates Vancouver's Island from the continent," an illustra
tion of the importance of linguistic purism in the science
of diplomacy. As his nation had drawn up the treaty,
and was therefore responsible for the peculiar wording,
it was scarcely becoming in him to set forth that claim,
in violation of the law of nations which provides that a
difficulty of construction shall not be decided in favor of
the nation creating the obscurity.

Being unable to support his claim, he offered as a
substitute a smaller channel which would include San
Juan in the British possessions. The United States com
missioner refused to accept this compromise. The British
commissioner had received rigid instructions, and had no
power to accept any line that would not give San Juan to
Great Britain. He said, "beyond what I now offer I
can no further go."

It was only reasonable to suppose that the nearest
natural boundary which would avoid the necessity of
cutting Vancouver's Island would be the one sought.
This boundary was the Canal de Haro. In the communi
cation by Mr. McLane, who had been sent specially to
Great Britain to aid in the negotiations, to Mr. Buchanan,
then Secretary of State, he specifically mentions the ex
tension of the line by the Canal de Haro and the Strait
of Fuca to the ocean, no reference being made to Rosario.
He states that this proposition now made by Lord Aber
deen was suggested by his (Mr. McLane's) immediate
predecessor as one which his government might accept.
Again he refers to the modified extension of the line as
being adapted to avoid the southern cape of Vancouver's
Island.

I IO PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Mr. Benton, in a speech in the Senate fn favor of
the treaty, mentioned the slight deflection of the line
with the object of avoiding the cutting of the south
end of Vancouver's Island. Again he spoke of the line
through the Channel de Haro, and stated that it pre
served for the United States that cluster of islands be
tween the Channel de Haro and the continent. Even Mr.
Crampton, the British minister, did not claim that Rosario
was the channel meant, but thought that it must refer to
Vancouver's Channel, erroneously supposing it to be the
only one answering the description which had up to that
time been surveyed and used.

It is a noticeable fact that the Strait of Rosario did
not appear upon any map, south of the forty-ninth paral
lel, until it was needed by the British government to cut
off a piece of somebody else s land, when it was hastily
moved southward and dated back to a period antedating
the treaty.

CHAPTER XV.

SAN JUAN CONTINUED.

In 1853 the Hudson's Bay Company sent an agent with
a flock of sheep to take possession of San Juan Island, a
very peaceable purpose to which to devote a territory sur
rounded by such warlike associations. As it turned out,
however, not even the pastoral symphony of bleating
lambs could infuse harmony into the situation.

On the night of the 26th of July, in 1859, General
Harney, commander of the Department of Oregon,
stationed troops on the island. Captain Pickett and a
co'mmand of sixty-eight men were silently transferred
from the mainland and when the morning came were
in possession of the disputed territory. As the bold
Britons, one thousand nine hundred and forty strong,
looked from their five ships of war coastward through the
dawn and beheld this slight force, comfortable in the re
flection that they had a cannon for every interloper there
except two, they must have experienced something of
the prospective triumph which swelled the heart of the
giant in sacred story as he hastened to meet the shepherd
youth armed with but a helpless-looking sling and stone.
Later in the game they had yet more reason to remember
the experience of that famous champion, and draw dis
couraging parallels.

To a proposition from the English commander for a
joint military occupation of San Juan, Captain Pickett
replied:

"As a matter of course, I, being here under orders from

112 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

my government, can not allow any joint occupation until
so ordered by my commanding general."

The English captain said, "I have one thousand men
on board the ships ready to land to-night."

" Captain, you have the force to land, but if you under
take it I will fight you as long as I have a man."

"Very well," answered Hornby, "I shall land them at
once."

"If you will give me forty-eight hours," said Captain
Pickett, "till I hear from my commanding officer, my
orders may be countermanded. If you don't, you must
be responsible for the bloodshed that will follow."

"Not one minute," was the English captain's reply.

Captain Pickett gave orders for the drawing up of his
men in lines on the hill facing the beach, where the Eng
lish would have to land.

"We will make a Bunker Hill of it, and don't be afraid
of their big guns," said Pickett to his men.

The following is an extract from the report of General
Harney to General Scott:

The senior officer of three British ships of war threatened to land
an overpowering force upon Captain Pickett, who nobly replied that
whether they landed fifty or five thousand men his conduct would not
be affected by it; that he would open his fire, and, if compelled, take to
the woods fighting; and so satisfied were the British officers that such
would be his course, that they hesitated in putting their threat into
execution.

The following letter from General Harney to Captain
Pickett defines at length his purpose in transferring troops
to San Juan:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF OREGON,

FORT VANCOUVER, W. T., July 18, 1859.

CAPTAIN: By Special Orders No. 72, a copy of which is inclosed,
you are directed to establish your company on Bellevue or San Juan
Island, in some suitable position near the harbor at the southeastern

SAN JUAN CONTINUED. 113

extremity. The general commanding instructs me to say the object to
be attained in placing you thus is twofold, viz. :

First. To protect the inhabitants of the island from the incursions
of the northern Indians of British Columbia and the Russian posses
sions. You will not permit any force of these Indians to visit San Juan
Island or the waters of Puget Sound in that vicinity over which the
United States have any jurisdiction. Should these Indians appear
peaceable you will warn them in a quiet but firm manner to return to
their own country and not visit in future the territory of the United
States; and in the event of any opposition being offered to your demands,
you will use the most decisive measures to enforce them, to which end
the commander of the troops stationed on the steamer Massachusetts will
be instructed to render every assistance and co-operation that will be
necessary to enable your command to fulfill the tenor of these in
structions.

Second. Another serious and important duty will devolve upon you
in the occupation of San Juan Island, arising from the American citizens
and the Hudson's Bay Company establishment at that point. This duty
is to afford adequate protection to the American citizens in their rights
as such, and to resist all attempts at interference by the British authori
ties residing on Vancouver's Island, by intimidation or force, in the con
troversies of the above-mentioned parties.

This protection has been called for in consequence of the chief fac
tor of the Hudson's Bay Company, Mr. Dallas, having recently visited
San Juan Island with a British sloop of war, and threatened to take an
American citizen by force to Victoria for trial by British laws. It is
hoped a second attempt of this kind will not be made, but to ensure the
safety of our citizens the general commanding directs you to meet the
authorities from Victoria at once, on a second arrival, and inform them
they can not be permitted to interfere with our citizens in any way.
Any grievances they may allege as requiring redress can only be exam
ined under our own laws, to which they must submit their claims in
proper form.

The steamer Massachusetts will be directed to transport your com
mand, stores, etc., to San Juan Island, where you are authorized to
construct such temporary shelter as the necessities of the service may
demand.

Any materials, such as doors, window-sash, flooring, etc., that can
be rendered available will be taken with you from Fort Bellingham. To
secure to your command the vegetables of your garden, a small detach
ment will be left to gather them when grown.

114 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

The general commanding is fully satisfied, from the varied experi
ence and judgment displayed by you in your present command, that
your selection to the duties with which you are now charged will ad
vance the interests of the service, and that your disposition of the sub
jects coming within your supervision and action will enhance your repu
tation as a commander.

In your selection of a position, take into consideration that future
contingencies may require an establishment of from four to six compa
nies retaining the command of the San Juan harbor.

I am, Captain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

A. PLEASANTON,

Captain Second Dragoons, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.
CAPTAIN GEORGE PICKETT,

Commanding Company D, Ninth Infantry,

Fort Bellingham, Puget Sound.

The following correspondence between Captain Pick-
ett and the military officers and the agent of the Hud
son's Bay Company will sufficiently indicate the existing
situation upon the island:

MILITARY CAMP,
SAN JUAN ISLAND, W. T., July 30, 1859.

MY DEAR COLONEL: I have the honor to inclose you some notes
which passed this morning between the Hudson's Bay authorities
and myself. From the threatening attitude of affairs at present, I
deem it my duty to request that the Massachusetts may be sent at
once to this point. I do not know that any actual collision will
take place, but it is not comfortable to be lying within range of a
couple of war-steamers. The Tribune, a thirty-gun frigate, is lying
broadside to our camp, and from present indications everything leads
me to suppose that they will attempt to prevent my carrying out my
instructions.

If you have any boats to spare I shall be happy to get one at least.
The only whale-boat we had was, most unfortunately, staved on the day
of our departure.

We will be very much in want of some tools and camp equipage. I
have not the time, Colonel, to make out the proper requisition, but if

SAN JUAN CONTINUED. 1 1 5

your quartermaster can send us some of these articles they will be of
great service.

I am, sir, in haste, very truly, your obedient servant,

G. E. PICKETT,
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL S. CASEY, Captain Ninth Infantry.

Ninth Infantry, Commanding Fort Steilacoom, W. T.
P. S. — The Sbubrick has rendered us every assistance in her power,
and I am much indebted for the kindness of officers.

BELLEVUE FARM, SAN JUAN, July 30, 1859.

SIR: I have the honor to inform you that the Island of San Juan,
on which your camp is pitched, is the property and in the occupation of
the Hudson's Bay Company, and to request that you and the whole of
the party vs iO have landed from the American vessels will immediately
cease to occupy the same. Should you be unwilling to comply with my
request, I feel bound to apply to the civil authorities.

Awaiting your reply I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

CHAS. JNO. GRIFFIN,

CAPTAIN PICKETT, Agent Hudson's Bay Company.

Commanding Company D, Ninth Infantry,
Island of San Juan.

MILITARY CAMP,
SAN JUAN, W. T., July 30, 1859.

SIR: Your communication of this instant has been received. I have
to state in reply that I do not acknowledge the right of the Hudson's
Bay Company *o dictate my course of action. I am here by virtue of
an order from my government, and shall remain till recalled by the same
authority.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

GEORGE E. PICKETT,

Captain Ninth United States Infantry, Commanding.
MR. CHARLES J. GRIFFIN,

Agent Hudson's Bay Company,

San Juan Island, W. T.

MILITARY POST,

SAN JUAN, W. T., August 3, 10 P.M.

CAPTAIN: I have the honor to report the following circumstances:
The British ships the Tribune, the Plumper, the Satellite are lying here

Il6 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

in a menacing attitude. I have been warned ojf by the Hudson's Bay
agent; then a summons was sent to me to appear before a Mr. DeCour-
cey, an official of her Britannic Majesty. To-day I received the in
closed communications, and I also inclose my answer to same.

I had to deal with three captains, and I thought it better to take the
brunt of it. They have a force so much superior to mine that it will be
merely a mouthful for them; still I have informed them that I am here
by order of my commanding general, and will maintain my position if
possible.

They wish to have a conjoint occupation of the island; I decline
anything of that kind. They can, if they choose, land at almost any
point on the island, and I can not prevent them. I have used the utmost
courtesy and delicacy in my intercourse and, if it is possible, please in
form me at such an early hour as t prevent a collision. The utmost I
could expect to-day was to suspend any proceeding till they have time to
digest a pill which I gave them. They wish to throw the onus on me,
because T refuse to allow them to land an equal force, and each of us
to have military occupation, thereby wiping out both civil authorities.

I say I can not do so until I hear from the general.

I have endeavored to impress them with the idea that my authority
comes directly through you from Washington.

The Pleiades left this morning for San Francisco with Colonel
Hawkins.

The excitement in Victoria and here is tremendous. I suppose
some five hundred people have visited us. I have had to use a great
deal of my peace-making disposition in order to restrain some of the
sovereigns.

Please excuse this hasty and, I am afraid, almost unintelligible letter,
but the steamer is waiting, and I have been writing under the most un
favorable circumstances. I must add that they seem to doubt the au
thority of the general commanding, and do not wish to acknowledge his
right to occupy this island, which they say is in dispute, unless the
United States government has decided the question with Great Britain.
I have so far staved them off by saying that the two governments have
undoubtedly settled this affair, but this state of affairs can not last,
and therefore I most respectfully ask that an express be sent me immedi
ately for my future guidance. I do not think there are any moments to
waste. In order to maintain our dignity we must occupy in force, or al
low them to land an equal force, which they can do now, and possibly
will do in spite of my diplomacy.

I have the honor to inclose all the correspondence which has taken

SAN JUAN CONTINUED, 1 1 7

place. Hoping that my course of action will meet with the approval of
the general commanding, and that I may hear from him in regard to my
future course at once, I remain, Captain, your obedient servant,

G. E. PICKETT,
Captain Ninth Infantry, Commanding Post.

CAPTAIN A. PLEASANTON,

Mounted Dragoons, Adjutant-General,

Department of Oregon, Fort Vancouver, W. T.

HER MAJESTY'S SHIP TRIBUNE,

GRIFFIN BAY, ISLAND OF SAN JUAN, August 3, 1859.
SIR: Having received instructions from his Excellency Governor
Douglas to communicate with you in reference to the landing of the
United States troops under your command on the island of San Juan, I
have the honor to propose a meeting should take place between yourself
and any other officers of the United States military forces on the one
part, and captains of her Majesty's ships on the other (on board her
Majesty's ship Tribune), at any hour that may be convenient to you,
that we may, if possible, conclude such arrangements as will tend to
preserve harmony between the subjects of the two states in this island.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

GEOFFREY PHIPPS HORNBY,

CAPTAIN PICKETT, Captain.

Commanding Detachment United States Troops,
Island of San Juan.

MILITARY POST,

SAN JUAN, W. T., August 3, 1859.

SIR: Your communication of this instant, favored by Lieutenant
Dunlop, has been received. I have the honor to say, in reply, that I
shall most cheerfully meet you, in my camp, at whatever hour you
may choose to designate. Be assured that my wish corresponds with
yours to preserve harmony between our respective governments.
I remain, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

GEORGE E. PICKETT,

Captain Ninth United States Infantry, Commanding.
CAPTAIN PHIPPS HORNBY,

Commanding her Britannic Majesty's ship Tribune,
Harbor of San Juan, W. T.

1 1 8 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

HER MAJESTY'S SHIP TRIBUNE,

GRIFFIN BAY, ISLAND OF SAN JUAN, August 3, 1859.
SIR: In reply to your letter of this morning, I have to inform you
that I shall do rayse!" the honor of calling on you at 2 P. M., in company
with the captains of her Britannic Majesty's ships.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

G. PHIPPS HORNBY,

CAPTAIN PICKETT, Captain.

Commanding Detachment of United States Troops,
Island of San Juan.

HER MAJESTY'S SHIP TRIBUNE,

SAN JUAN ISLAND, August 3, 1859

SIR: In accordance with your request for a written communication,
I have the honor to transmit the substance of the declarations and propo
sitions made by me to you to-day.

Having drawn your attention to the extract of a despatch from Mr.
Marcy, Secretary of State, to his Excellency, Governor Stevens, dated
July 14, 1855, prescribing the conduct that should be pursued by the
officers of the United States in respect of the disputed grounds, I asked
if that was the tenor of your present instructions, or if the relations of
the two states had been placed on other than a friendly footing by any of
a more recent date.

To this you replied by referring to the date of the despatch.

I then asked you, in the name of Governor Douglas, the terms on
which you had occupied the island of San Juan; to which you replied
that you did so by order of the "general commanding," to protect it
as a part of the United States territory, and that you believed he acted
under orders from the government at Washington.

I then presented to you the Governor's protest against any such oc
cupation or claim. I represented to you that the fact of occupying a
disputed island by a military force necessitated a similar action on our
part; that again involved the imminent risk of a collision between the
forces, there being a magistrate of each nation now acting on the island,
either of whom might call on those of their country for aid.

To prevent the chance of such collision, I suggested that a joint mili
tary occupation might take place, and continue until replies could be re
ceived from our respective governments; and, during such times, that the
commanding officers of the forces should control and adjudicate between
their respective countrymen, the magistrates being withdrawn on both

SAN" JUAN CONTINUED. 1 19

oides, or the action of their courts suspended for the time being, theii
employment not being necessary under a joint military occupation.

I suggested this course as apparently the only one left (short of en
tire evacuation by the troops under your command) likely to produce the
object so much to be desired, viz., the prevention of a collision between
the forces or authorities of the two countries, landed or in the harbor
of San Juan, an event which must lead to still more disastrous results,
by permanently estranging the friendly relations subsisting between
Great Britain and the United States of America.

You replied that you had not authority to conclude such terms, but
suggested the reference of them to General Harney and Governor
Douglas, without interference in any way with our liberty of action.

I pointed out that my proposition was strictly in accordance with
the principles laid down in Mr. Marcy's despatch, and that yours, on
the other hand, offered no security against the occurrence of some im
mediate evil.

That, as officers of the United States had committed an act of ag
gression by landing an armed force on this island pending the settle
ment of our respective claims to its sovereignty, without warning to us,
and without giving to you a discretionary power of making any neces
sary arrangements, the United States and its officers alone must be
responsible for any consequences that might result, either immediate or
future.

I agreed to your request to furnish you with the substance of the
conversation in writing, and concluded by informing you that, having
now made what seemed to me a most equitable and simple proposition,
I reserved to myself, in the event of your non-acceptance of it, entire
liberty of action either for the protection of British subjects and prop
erty, or of our claims to the sovereignty of the island, until they are set
tled by the Northwestern Boundary Commission, now existing, or by
the respective governments.

I believe I have now given you the substance of our conversation,
and have only to add my regret that you were not able to agree to a
course which it appears to me would totally avoid the risk of a col
lision.

The responsibility of any such catastrophe does not, I feel, rest on
me or on her Majesty's representative at Vancouver's Island.

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

GEOFFREY PHIPPS HORNBY,
CAPTAIN GEORGE PICKETT, Captain and Senior Officer.

Commanding Detachment of United States Ninth Regiment.

120 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

MILITARY POST,
ISLAND OF SAN JUAN, W. T., August 3, n P.M.

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communi
cation of this date, in reference to the conversation which was held to
day between ourselves and Captains Prevost and Richards. Your recol
lection of said conversation seems to be very accurate. There is one
point, however, which I dwelt upon particularly, and which I must en
deavor, as the officer representing my government, to impress upon you,
viz. : That, as a matter of course, I, being here under orders from my
government, can not allow any joint occupation until so ordered by my
commanding general; and that any attempt to make any such occupation
as you have proposed, before I can communicate with General Harney,
will be bringing on a collision which can be avoided by awaiting this
issue. I do not for one moment imagine that there will any difficulty
occur on this island which will render a military interference necessary;
and I therefore deem it proper to state that I think no discredit can re
flect upon us, or our respective flags, by remaining in our present posi
tions until we have an opportunity of hearing from those higher in
authority.

I hope, most sincerely, sir, you will reflect on this, and hope you
may coincide with me in my conclusion. Should you see fit to act
otherwise, you will then be the person who will bring on a most disas
trous difficulty, and not the United States officials.

I have thus hurriedly answered your communication in order to
avoid any delay and its consequences.

I remain, with much respect, your obedient servant,

GEORGE E. PICKETT,

Captain Ninth Infantry, Commanding Post.
CAPTAIN G. PHIPPS HORNBY,

Commanding her Britannic Majesty's ship Tribune,
Harbor of San Juan, Washington Territory.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF OREGON,

FORT VANCOUVER, W. T., August 6, 1859.

CAPTAIN: The general commanding instructs me to inform you of
the receipt of Governor Douglas's protest to the occupation of San Juan
Island, and directs me to inclose a communication, which you will re
quest Captain Hornby, of her Majesty's ship Tribune, to transmit to
Governor Douglas with all convenient despatch.

The general approves the course you have pursued, and further di-

SAN JUAN CONTINUED, 121

reels that no joint occupation or any civil jurisdiction will be permitted
on San Juan Island by the British authorities under any circumstances.
Lieutenant-Colonel Casey is ordered to reinforce you with his com
mand as soon as possible.

Send Lieutenant Howard to Fort Steilacoom in arrest.
I am, Captain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

A. PLEASANTON,

Captain Second Dragoons, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.
CAPTAIN GEORGE PICKETT,

Ninth Infantry, Commanding on San Juan Island,
Pug-t Sound, W. T.

In November Captain Pickett was ordered to Fort
Bellingham, where he remained until April 10, when he
was replaced in command at San Juan, of which order he
was notified in the following:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF OREGON,

FORT VANCOUVER, W. T., April 16, 1860.

CAPTAIN: You will perceive by Special Orders No. 41, of this date,
a copy of which is inclosed, that the general commanding has replaced
you in command of your company on San Juan Island.

For your information in this position you will receive, as accom
panying papers, the correspondence and instructions of Lieutenant-
General Scott with reference to San Juan Island, with an extract
from the orders of Rear-Admiral Baynes, commanding her Britannic
Majesty's naval forces in the Pacific, to Captain George Bazalgette,
of the Royal Marines, commanding a detachment of Royal Marines
landed on San Juan Island by the consent of General Scott. These
orders of Admiral Baynes communicr.te to his officer that he is placed
on the island for the protection of British interests, and to form a joint
military occupation with the troops of the United States.

To meet these orders of the admiral, and to remove any miscon
ception on the part of the British authorities as to your duties, I am
directed to impart to you the following explanations and requirements
of the general commanding, a copy of which you will furnish Captain
Bazalgette for the information of Rear-Admiral Baynes:

First. Lieutenant-General Scott has left no orders or instructions
with the general commanding to grant a joint military occupation of

122 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

San Juan Island with British troops; neither has any authority been
delegated by the government of the United States to the general to offer
or accept such occupation of that island. The offer made by General
Scott, when in command here, was not accepted by Governor Douglas
at the time, and consequently concluded that transaction. No arrange
ment has been made since to renew it, within the knowledge of the
general commanding.

Second. The British authorities having submitted the assurance to
General Scott that no attempt would be made by them to dislodge by
force the United States troops on San Juan Island, they were per
mitted to land troops for similar purposes to which your command was
designed in the original orders conveyed to you in July last, viz., the
protection of our citizens from Indians, both native and foreign. In
connection with this service, the general commanding takes occasion to
present you to Admiral Baynes and the officers with whom you will be
brought in contact, as an officer possessing his highest confidence, and
nothing will be omitted in maintaining a frank and generous intercourse
in all matters coming within your powers to establish a practical solu
tion of the present misunderstanding, which shall prove honorable and
satisfactory to all parties, until a final settlement is attained by the gov
ernments.

Third. Under the organic act of the Congress of the United
States for the establishment of the Territorial government of Washing
ton, the first legislative assembly in 1854 passed an act including the
island of San Juan as a part of Whatcom County. This act was duly
submitted to Congress, and has not been disapproved; it is, therefore,
the law of the land. You will be obliged, consequently, to acknowl
edge and respect the civil jurisdiction of Washington Territory in the
discharge of your duties on San Juan, and the general commanding
is satisfied that any attempt of the British commander to ignore this
right of the Territory will be followed by deplorable results, out of his
power to prevent or to control. The general commanding will inform
the Governor of Washington Territory that you are directed to communi
cate with the civil officer on the island in the investigation of all cases
requiring his attention. In the event of any British interests being in
volved, you will notify the officer placed there by Admiral Baynes to
enable him to propose some arrangement satisfactory to his instructions,
as well as those of the civil officer. Let it be understood in case of dis
agreement of these parties that no action is to be taken until the case
has been referred to Admiral Baynes and the Governor of Washington
Territory, respectively.

SAN JUAN CONTINUED. 12$

These suggestions will be acceptable to the conditions which govern
the Territorial authorities of Washington, while satisfying the obliga
tions of the military service to their own as well as the civil laws of the
country, and it is fair to presume they will be adopted by Admiral
Baynes, since the tenor of his instructions to Captain Bazalgette is
sufficiently liberal to justify this conclusion.

I remain, Captain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

A. PLEASANTON,

Captain Second Dragoons, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.
CAPTAIN GEORGE E. PICKETT,

Commanding Company D, Ninth Infantry,

Fort Bellingham, Puget Sound, W. T.

CAMP PICKETT, SAN JUAN, April 30, 1860.

SIR: I have the honor to inform you that, in obedience to orders
received from the Headquarters of Department of Oregon, I have to-day
relieved Captain Hunt, and assumed command of this post.

In accordance with orders emanating from the same source, I here
with inclose an extract from my letter of instructions.

With every desire that the cordial understanding existing between
you and Captain Hunt shall continue to be maintained between our
selves, I am, sir, your most humble servant,

G. E. PICKETT,

Captain Ninth Infantry, Commanding Post.
CAPTAIN G. BAZALGETTE,

Royal Marines, her British Majesty's Troops.

From this time until the State of Virginia was forced
into the ranks of secession, carrying her noblest sons
with her, Captain Pickett remained on the island of San
Juan. Then he resigned his commission, and, narrowly
escaping arrest, hastened South to cast in his fortunes
with the struggling new dream nation.

The military leaders on the Pacific coast had an ul
terior purpose, hidden from the world but lying close to
the hearts of them all, of far greater magnitude than the
mere saving of a fragment of earth. They had seen the
" little cloud, no bigger than a man's hand," drifting along

124 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

the southern horizon, and had read its threatening im
port. They knew that within it were hidden the thun
ders and lightnings of war, and they dreaded the moment
when the storm should break over the land. To avert
this disaster they were ready to risk their lives at the
mouths of British guns.

The elements of discord that had lain at the heart of
all our national history since the adoption of the Consti
tution and the division of parties into Federalists and
Republicans had at last reached the point where an
outbreak could be avoided only by a foreign war which
would unite all parts of the country into one grand whole
for the purpose of national defense. If a war with Eng
land could be precipitated the danger of civil faction
would be over. All hearts would respond at once to the
call of the nation for help. The first British gun that
should launch its thunder against the Pacific coast would
echo and re-echo across a continent and send its rever
berations to the remotest limits, North, South, East and
West. The spirit of patriotism would awaken and the
star-spangled banner would float once more over a united
nation. The little waves of sectional strife that looked so
stormy now would sink into the great sea of patriotic en
thusiasm that would roll in majestic grandeur from the
farthest snow-line of Minnesota to the sunny orange-
groves of Florida, from the islands that bathe themselves
in the far-off Atlantic waves to the Golden Gate that opens
the way to the pearl-caves of the Pacific.

To this end Captain Pickett, who had won his commis
sion by gallant service under the old flag, would gladly
have given his life. Like many others who afterward
fought as bravely against the national government as they
had in happier times fought for it, he loved the Union.
Every star in that flag which he had so often borne to

SAN JUAN CONTINUED. 12$

victory shone upon his heart with the radiance of love
and hope. The white of its fluttering folds was like the
purity of heaven toward which his soul ever aspired; the
red was as the wine of life that surged through his veins.
It is difficult for the reader to appreciate fully, from
this account, the great responsibility resting upon Captain
Pickett in his position on San Juan. Upon his firmness
and courage hung the honor of his country; upon his
coolness and discretion depended the lives of untold
thousands, with millions of treasure. In early manhood
he measured up to the occasion and gave true prophecy
of what he would afterward accomplish.

CHAPTER XVI.

PICKETT'S WEST POINT APPOINTMENT AND MILITARY
SERVICE IN UNITED STATES ARMY.

George E. Pickett was appointed to West Point through
the political power and friendship of Mr. Abraham Lin
coln, by Congressman John G. Stuart, of the Third Illinois
District. Mr. Lincoln was then associated in the practice
of law with Pickett's uncle, Mr. Andrew Johnston (not
Andy Johnson), who was later of the firm of Johnston,
Williams & Boulware, of Richmond, Virginia, and was one
of the most successful, prominent and wealthy lawyers of
that city.

Mr. Johnston was a great scholar and was highly
esteemed by President Lincoln, who desired him to be
come Governor of Virginia and guide her in her return to
the Union.

Naturally, the great lawyer was desirous that his
nephew should follow in his own footsteps, and become a
power in the legal world, but a military bent of mind was
hereditary in the Pickett family, and manifest destiny was
not to be thwarted. It so happened, too, that just at this
time Pickett's martial ardor was stimulated by the ap
pointment to West Point of his cousins, Heth, Duke and
Morgan, and several of his schoolfellows.

Mr. Lincoln was very fond of George Pickett, and when
Pickett confided to him his military aspirations, he se
cretly determined they should be gratified, and went at
once systematically to work to secure his appointment.

From Washington, the great statesman wrote his young
friend a letter, from which the following is an extract:

126

SERVICE IN UNITED STATES ARMY. 12;

I never encourage deceit, and falsehood, especially if you have got a
bad memory, is the -worst enemy a fellow can have. The fact is truth
is your truest friend, no matter what the circumstances are. Notwith
standing this copy-book preamble, my boy, I am inclined to suggest a
little prudence on your part. You see I have a congenital aversion to
failure, and the sudden announcement to your Uncle Andrew of the suc
cess of your "lamp-rubbing" might possibly prevent your passing the
severe physical examination to which you will be subjected in order to
enter the Military Academy. You see, I should like to have a perfect
soldier credited to dear old Illinois — no broken bones, scalp wounds, etc.
So I think perhaps it might be wise to hand this letter from me, in to
your good uncle through his room-window after he has had a comfort"
able dinner, and watch its effect from the top of the pigeon-house.

In one of the letters which the young cadet received
from Mr. Lincoln soon after entering West Point is the
following passage:

I have just told the folks here in Springfield on this mth anniver
sary of the birth of him whose name, mightiest in the cause of civil lib
erty, still mightiest in the cause of moral reformation, we mention in
solemn awe, in naked, deathless splendor, that the one victory we can
ever call complete will be that one which proclaims that there is not
one slave or one drunkard on the face of God's green earth. Recruit
for this victory.

At the close of the letter he said:

Now, boy, on your march, don't you go and forget the old maxim
that "one drop of honey catches more flies than a half-gallon of gall."
Load your musket with this maxim, and smoke it in your pipe.

Pickett remembered, for there was not a drop of gall
in his whole life.

Short as was Mr. Lincoln's time when he passed through
Richmond after its surrender, he came to the old Pickett
home to hunt up his friend and former partner, the Gen
eral's uncle. He asked about the General himself, and

128 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

•
then for the General's wife. I had seen the carriage and

the guard and retinue, but did not know who the visitors
were. In those suspicious times of trouble and anxiety
we did not wait for formal announcements, and we were
following on after the servant who went to answer the
bell. When I heard the caller ask for George Pickett's
wife, I came forward with my baby in my arms.

" I am George Pickett's wife," I said.

"And I am Abraham Lincoln."

"The President?"

"No; Abraham Lincoln, George's old friend."

Seeing baby's outstretched arms, Mr. Lincoln took
him, and little George opened wide his mouth and gave
his father's friend a dewy baby kiss, seeming to feel with
the prescient infant instinct the tie that binds. As I took
my baby back again, Mr. Lincoln said in that deep and
sympathetic voice which was one of his greatest powers
over the hearts of men:

"Tell your father, the rascal, that I forgive him for the
sake of your mother's smile and your bright eyes."

I had sometimes wondered at the General's reverential
way of speaking of President Lincoln, but as I looked up
at his honest, earnest face, and felt the warm clasp of his
great, strong hand, I marveled no more that all who knew
him should love him. When, but a few days later, the
wires flashed over the world the tragic message which en
veloped our whole nation in mourning, General Pickett
said:

"My God! My God! The South has lost her best
friend and protector, the surest, safest hand to guide and
steer her through the breakers ahead. Again must she
feel the smart of fanaticism."

The following is the official statement of Pickett's
military services:

SERVICE IN UNITED STATES ARMY. 129

WAR DEPARTMENT,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

WASHINGTON, March 10, 1887.

Statement of the military service of George E. Pickett, late of the
United States Army, compiled from the records of this office:

He was a cadet at the United States Military Academy from July i,
1842, to July i, 1846, when graduated and appointed brevet second
lieutenant Eighth Infantry; promoted second lieutenant Second Infantry
March 3, 1847; transferred to Seventh Infantry July 13, 1847, and to
the Eighth Infantry July 18, 1847; first lieutenant June 28, 1849; ap
pointed captain Ninth Infantry March 3, 1855.

Brevetted first lieutenant August 20, 1847, "for gallant and meri
torious conduct in the battles of Contreras, and Churubusco, Mexico ";
and captain September 13, 1847, "for gallant and meritorious conduct at
Chapultepec, Mexico."

He joined his regiment in Mexico, November, 1846, and served
therewith in the war with that country (being engaged in the siege of
Vera Cruz, March, 1847; battle of Cerro Gordo, April 17 and 18, 1847;
capture of San Antonio, August 20, 1847; battle of Molino del Rey, Sep
tember 8, 1847; storming of Chapultepec, September 13, 1847; and as
sault and capture of the City of Mexico, September 13 and 14, 1847) to
July, 1848. En route to and at Jefferson Barracks, Mo., to November
23, 1848; on leave to June 19, 1849; with regiment in Texas to Decem
ber 22, 1850; on leave to July 10, 1851; with regiment in Texas to De
cember 13, 1851; on leave to May 4, 1852; and with his regiment in
Texas to June, 1855. He joined the Ninth Infantry September 20,
1855, and served with it at Fort Monroe, Va., to November 14, 1855;
on court-martial duty in Florida to March 20, 1856; rejoined and served
with his company in Washington Territory to June 6, 1858; on leave to
January 14, 1859; commanding company at Fort Bellingham, W. T., to
July 27, 1859; at San Juan Island, W. T., to October, 1859; at Fort
Bellingham to April 28, 1860; and at San Juan Island to June 25, 1861,
when he resigned. Q D QREENE>

Assistant Adjutant-General.

CHAPTER XVII.

SLAVERY.

The commercial greed of England anchored the negro
race upon America against the earnest protests of the
colonists.

In 1620, when a Dutch vessel landed twenty slaves at
Jamestown, the enlightened sense of Virginia quickly
took alarm, and laws against the wicked traffic were
promptly passed. For more than a century Virginia
fought most valiantly against the wrong which she fore
saw would work irreparable injury, not only to the South,
but to the whole country.

In 1770 the King commanded the Governor "under
pain of highest displeasure to assent to no law by which
the importation of slaves should be in any respect prohib
ited or obstructed." Two years later, after a prolonged
and earnest debate, the Assembly of Virginia submitted
to the King a memorial setting forth the inhumanity of
the trade, and its exceeding great danger to the existence
of his American dominions, and praying that the interests
of the British dealers who would be financially benefited
by the criminal traffic might not be permitted to take
precedence of the welfare of the entire colonies. As
England has never been known to hold any colony with
the smallest reference to the benefit of its inhabitants,
the petition was of course unavailing. Thus was forced
upon Virginia a gigantic evil which she bravely supported
for generations, and the wrongs of which she did all in
her power to ameliorate.

130

SLAVERY. 131

In the winter of 1735-36 Oglethorpe returned to
Georgia from England, carrying two acts of Parliament,
which, in the absence of testimony to the contrary, indi
cate that their bearer must have been the champion opti
mist of his generation. One of these Parliamentary
decrees prohibited the sale of spirituous liquors, the
other forbade the holding of slaves. The principal result
of this moral effort was a frame of mind in the com
munity succinctly set forth in the following dedication
of a remonstrative pamphlet to the Parkhurst of the
period:

The valuable Virtue of Humility is secured to us by your Care to
prevent our procuring, or so much as seeing, any Negroes (the only
human Creatures proper to improve our Soil) lest our simplicity
might mistake the poor Africans for greater slaves than ourselves:
And that \ve might fully receive the Spiritual Benefit of those whole
some Austerities, you haVe wisely denied us the Use of such Spirituous
Liquors as might in the least divert our minds from the Contemplation
of our Happy Circumstances.

This soulful tribute to the lofty philanthropy of the
pioneer reformer would seem to signify that the primitive
Georgian was not above the vice of sarcasm, and appears
to have had a demoralizing influence upon the purifier of
coloriial politics, as a little later in history we find him
in the character of a Carolina slaveholder, applying the
profits of his new career of usefulness to the support of
his Georgia orphan asylum, piously thanking God that
his investment was profitable, and finding fault with the
tyrannical law which obliged him to have his slaves and
his orphans on different sides of the dividing line.
Whether he sought consolation for his misfortune in
Manhattan cocktails or 'arf-an'-'arf, is not recorded.
Through the charitable efforts of this severe moralist,
slavery was fastened upon Georgia, and there was fur-

132 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

nished an early illustration of the modern definition of
vice as "a virtue gone to seed."

Many of the English sovereigns invested in slave-
ships, and in 1776 slavery existed in all thirteen States.
A regular traffic was carried on between New England
and Africa. Virginia fought this revolting trade in the
Federal Convention, but New England voted with South
Carolina and Georgia that for another twenty years this
terrible crime should blot our escutcheon.

Still the Southern leaders fought, and in 1790 the Con
gress of the United States declared that it possessed "no
power to interfere with slavery or the treatment of slaves
within the States."

In the meantime the Northern States had discovered
that it was not so lucrative to hold slaves in a rigorous cli
mate as it was to catch them on the African coast and sell
them into conditions more favorable to the tropical consti
tution and to the production of those crops to the man
agement cf which the African intelligence was best
adapted. Consequently the North was seized upon by a
severe spasm of virtue which demanded that she should,
for value received, transfer her human possessions to the
South, after the manner of the enthusiastic young convert
who announced in prayer-meeting that her eyes had been
graciously opened to see that her feathers and ribbons
and laces were carrying her straight down to hell, so she
pulled them all off and gave them to her sister.

In 1820, when Missouri was admitted into the Union,
the first halt was effected. The East was greatly opposed
to the extension of the Union toward the southwest, and
carried out its resolution that slavery should not be rec
ognized as legal in the Territories north of the parallel

30° 30'.

Patrick Henry, Marshall, Jefferson, Henry Clay, and

SLAVERY. 133

John Quincy Adams, all recognized the great evil and
fought for the remedy.

In 1829 Henry Clay said: "If I were to invoke the
greatest blessing on earth which heaven, in its mercy,
could now bestow on this nation, it would be the sepa
ration of the two most numerous races of its population,
and their comfortable establishment in distant and differ
ent countries."

Notwithstanding this, the House, in 1836, reaffirmed
the declaration of 1790.

Thus, despite her protests, the blight of slavery was
fixed upon the South, and all her industries were para
lyzed by the heavy hand of unskilled labor. The earth
teemed with agricultural possibilities which never de
veloped into realities. The soil was wholly given over to
the production of those crops which could be tilled and
harvested with the least effort of intelligence. Great
stores of mineral wealth lay sleeping in their subterranean
beds, waiting through the generations for the morning
dawn to awaken them.

The Southern planter and his family subsisted on food
procured from Northern markets. They were garbed in
raiment woven in Northern or European factories. No
Southern steamers rode triumphantly out from Southern
harbors, laden with the fruits of Southern soil and South
ern skill. Southern productions were shipped by North
ern dealers from Northern ports in Northern vessels, and
in return the South received supplies through the North,
ornamented with a Northern tariff. From the cradle to
the grave the dweller in the South was an animated ad
vertisement of the disadvantages of an obsolete Oriental
system of labor grafted on to the most recent form of
modern Occidental civilization.

The political disasters resulting from the enforced con-

134 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

dition were no less than its economic disadvantages. A
system which a few generations earlier had been regarded
in the North as a mere economic blunder gradually came
to be viewed as a crime. The North had rid herself
of the burden of slavery, why could not the South? The
North had freed herself by the simple and easy process
of unloading upon the South. There was no remoter
South to serve its turn in the descending scale, unless it
were the Gulf of Mexico, against which, laying aside
the matter of expense, certain considerations of humanity
might obtain.

The system became a component part of the life of the
South. To separate it from that life was like taking a vital
part from a highly evolved organism and expecting its func
tions to continue. Laying aside the financial difficulties
of getting rid of slavery, there still remained the one great
problem, what could we do with the slave if he should
become politically free? He could not be morally and
economically free, because his nature and training had
not fitted him for liberty.

The political and social dangers of any form of eman
cipation were considered to outweigh the economic dis
advantages of the existing condition, and for years the
war of contending political parties went on with a degree
of acrimony probably never before equaled in political
discussion between the different parts of the same coun
try. It passed through all the stages of fugitive-slave
laws, Dred Scott decision, Kansas-Nebraska bill, abolition
warfare, underground railways, and reached the acute
phase of the slavery and free-soil war in "bleeding
Kansas."

From the smoke of that conflict, like a genie from
a malignantly enchanted box in " Arabian Nights," arose
the most striking figure of the long and bitter strife

SLAVERY, 135

between freedom and slavery — John Brown of Osawat-
omie, variously regarded, according to the viewpoint of
the beholder, as all the way from a holy prophet adorned
with the mystic halo, sent by a divine power to herald
the dawn of a new civilization, to a vicious ruffian and
criminal, actuated by designs of the most evil character.
Probably he was only the victim of an acute degree of
fanaticism, such as occasions of great excitement are
likely to produce. From long dwelling upon one idea
he had become a monomaniac, in whose eyes all objects
took the coloring of his own imaginings.

Being a lineal descendant of the Puritan Pilgrims, he
set about his self-appointed task with the grim determina
tion which inspired his forefathers in their crusade against
witchcraft and their Christian efforts for the reformation
of Roger Williams and Anne Hutchinson.

A complete stranger to the life of the South, he had
become imbued with the delusion, then prevalent in the
North, that the slaves were a grievously oppressed and
suffering race, constantly under an agonizing sense of then
wrongs, and ready to seize upon every suggestion of an
opportunity of avenging them.

The personal devotion which afterward led many of
the slaves to risk their lives for the safety and support of
their masters' families and to forego their own freedom
for the sake of those whom they rightly regarded as their
best friends, was something entirely outside of the ex
perience or observation of this erratic mind which had
been perverted from all sense of reason or justice by ex
clusive devotion to one erroneous idea.

Having secured money and arms through a secret com
mittee in Boston, composed of Dr. Samuel G. Howe,
Frank B. Sanborn, George L. Stearns and T. Wentworth
Higginson, Brown prepared to strike the blow in May

PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

of 1858. He was betrayed by Forbes, an English adven
turer, who had joined in the project and who, being dis
appointed in his effort to depose Brown and usurp his
place, took this method of avenging himself. For this
reason action was postponed to the following year.

In the autumn of 1859 John Brown assembled together
eighteen other minds almost as warped as his own, and
made his disastrous descent upon Harper's Ferry, falling
into the hands of Colonel Robert E. Lee and his detach
ment of United States marines, and met the fate that is
most likely to befall a man who mistakes both himself
and the era in which he lives.

The singular qualities of this most morbidly erratic
character in the whole dark history of slavery agitation
are thus set forth by Governor Wise, of Virginia, who vis
ited him in the guard-house:

"They are mistaken who take him for a madman. He
is a man of clear head, courageous fortitude, and simple
ingenuousness. He is cool, collected, and indomitable;
and it is but just to him to say that he was humane to his
prisoners; and he inspired all with great trust in his in
tegrity and as a man of truth. He is a fanatic, vain and
garrulous, but firm, truthful, and intelligent."

On the 2d of December, 1859, the name of John Brown
was added to the roll of martyrs on one side of the divid
ing line, and to the list of defeated criminals on the other,
and it would have been lost in the dust which time throws
upon the name and fame of all ill-guided enthusiasts, had
not the rapid succession of startling events immediately
subsequent to this period kept "his soul marching on."
Though these things all happened but one year be
fore South Carolina formally seceded from the Union,
Wendell Phillips said over the coffin of the fallen fanatic:
"I do not believe slavery will go down in blood."

SLAVERY. 137

In how short a time did that long-contested institution
go down in blood, and from its ruins arose a new South to
give the world impressive lessons in the eternal persist
ence of vital force.

Never before in the history of the world did any peo
ple pluck from defeat so glorious a victory. The blow
which struck the South to earth severed her shackles and
set her free.

In the past decade the wealth of the South has in
creased nearly four billions, far exceeding the property
value of the slaves set free by the war. The increase is
becoming still greater as the years pass on.

One-fourth of all the spindles in the country belong
to the Southern States, and the South can now consume
one-tenth of all the product of her cotton-fields.

Her iron area is seven hundred miles in length, and
two hundred in width, paralleled by belts of limestone and
coal. English producers can not compete with the prices
Alabama is now furnishing.

From the whispering foliage of her majestic forests
floats over all her broad land a message of prosperity,
of wealth, of commercial greatness.

Over the fields where once grew only cotton, rice, to
bacco, and sugar, now waves the golden-tasseled corn, in
happy prophecy of the harvest of gold which the autumn
will bring.

The Southland, once dependent upon her Northern
sister for the merest necessities of life, now subsists upon
her own never-failing resources, and her intense vitality
and rapid progress prove that her children are worthy
of the glorious heritage which has been bestowed upon
them.

In the measuring of the "grist" which "the mills of
the gods" have ground, the Fifteenth Amendment has

138 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

•
not proved an unmitigated evil. It has imposed upon

the South a political burden she was little able to bear,
but it has also given her a political strength which she
would not otherwise have enjoyed. Though it has
wrought injury to its unfortunate victim, who was help
lessly and unconsciously legislated into duties for which
he was not fitted and responsibilities of which he had not
the faintest conception, retarding his progress and lead
ing him to depend upon politics instead of individual
effort, it has increased Southern representation in Con
gress and given the South a legislative power which she
never before exerted. It has created race prejudice
where it did not before exist, but its worst effects will
melt away in the sunlight of the prosperity which has
dawned so gloriously for the summer-land.

Thus, the dark shadow lifted from her pathway, the
South moves forward on her heaven-lit course to her
brilliant destiny.

CHAPTER XVIII.

SECESSION.

The victims of a lost cause are not alone those wha
go down in its wreck. Perhaps its saddest victims are its
precursors — those who have marked out the pathway to
the field on which the great battle is to be fought and
lost.

Thus it was with many who led the way to the final
adjustment of the long-disputed question of States'
rights, a quarrel which had begun away back in the
beginning of constitutional history. When Hamilton
and Jefferson separated on the question of centralization
of power, they laid out a long and circuitous route to a
tragic ending of the dispute which began with the failure
of the Articles of Confederation and led up to the dra
matic exit of the Southern members from the halls of
Congress, more than half a century later

Article II. in the "Articles of Confederation" stipu
lated that, "Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom
and independence."

Article III. specified that, "The said States hereby
severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each
other."

The great advocate of Federalism, Alexander Hamil
ton, was among the first to appreciate the advantage which
the State government possessed in the affections of the
people. He perceived that in a clash of State with
national interests, the State interests would receive the
support of the people.

139

140 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Under the Articles of Confederation the States had
shown more disposition to take back the powers which
had been delegated to the general government than to
give up any that might remain.

The State was the mother of the people; the general
government was an unsympathetic, overbearing master.
The bond between the State and the individual had
become a fixed habit of affection. To rend the State
government would be the act of a matricide; it would
even be self-destruction. Should the general government
fall to pieces in some sudden political earthquake life
would, according to the popular view, go on much the
same as it had always done.

In certain large affairs of life the people looked to the
national government — in the small things of every-day
existence they looked to the State. The small things are
what make up life. Large events occur once or twice in
a lifetime; small ones happen every day.

The people paid taxes to the State; in return therefor
they shared in the institutions which were supported by
those taxes. They constructed and repaired roads for the
State; they walked and drove over those roads. They
supported schools for the State; their children reaped the
advantages of those schools. They elected the law
makers of the State; they looked to the State laws for
protection. The State officers were their fellow-citizens,
some of them near and dear friends. In them they felt
a much stronger personal interest than in the President
and Cabinet, too far away to seem to hold any connection
with the mass of the people.

One of the delegates to the Federal Convention had
expressed his opinion that the people would be rather
more attached to the national government, as being more
important in itself, and more flattering to their pride.

SECESSION. 141

Hamilton, stern old Federalist though he was, and some
what cold, as he was regarded, yet recognized the fact
that with the mass of the people State feeling is likely
to outrank national pride. Even the selfish passions,
avarice, ambition, interest, he felt, would flow with the
stream of State power. So great was his apprehension of
the power of the State over the popular mind that he was
almost hopeless of uniting such varied and inharmonious
interests into one republic of States. He felt apprehen
sive that only the British form of government would hold
together the diverse sentiments in America.

Had public opinion permitted Hamilton to extinguish
the State governments in setting up the national govern
ment founded upon the Constitution, which owes its ex
istence, perhaps, more to him than any one else, there
would have been no question of States' rights to develop
into the discordant element which it became in a few
years after the adoption of the Constitution. As things
remained, the States adopted the Constitution, but the
people continued true to the old State governments to
which they were accustomed.

In 1783, after peace was established, the States from
time to time began to grow jealous of the powers of each
other, and in 1789 the Federal government acted upon a
basis of secession from the Articles of Confederation of
1781. Virginia emphatically reserved the right to with
draw from the compact if she found it against her interest
to remain in it, as did the ten other States.

The Constitution held each State to be self-governing.
This construction held until 1798, when the alien and sedi
tion laws were passed. Kentucky and Virginia denounced
these laws as contrary to the Constitution, which was a
compact between the States. The celebrated Virginia
and Kentucky resolutions followed, declaring that when

142 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Congress passed acts beyond its constitutional powers
the States were not bound to obey, anS, what was of far
more moment, that each State had the right to determine
the question of constitutionality.

These resolutions possessed the greater power by rea
son of their authorship. That of Virginia was drawn up
by Madison, one of the immortal three to whom the
nation was indebted for its Constitution, and who might
be supposed to know, if any man could, what that Consti
tution meant. The Kentucky resolution was prepared by
Jefferson, then Vice-President, who may fairly be ranked
as the founder of the doctrine of States' rights.

In the original draft Jefferson had written: "Where
powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a
nullification of the act is the rightful remedy; every State
has a natural right, in cases not within the compact, to
nullify, of their own authority, all assumptions of power
by others within their limits." Though this passage was
omitted from the resolutions of 1798, it was in substance
restored the next year.

In 1803 Napoleon said, regarding the proposed sale of
Louisiana to the United States: "Perhaps it may be
objected that the Americans will be found too powerful
for Europe in two or three centuries, but my foresight
does not embrace such remote feats. Besides, we may
hereafter expect rivalries among the members of the
Union. The confederations which are called perpetual
only last till one of the contracting parties finds it to his
interest to break them."

The prophecy of this astute political reasoner was
justified in 1811 when Louisiana sought to enter the
Union. Among the violent opposers of this movement
was Josiah Quincy, of Massachusetts, who, on the floor of
Congress, declared:

SECESSION. 143

" If this bill passes it is my deliberate opinion that it is
virtually a dissolution of this Union; that it will free the
States from their moral obligation; and, as it will be the
right of all, so it will be the duty of some, definitely to
prepare for a separation, amicably if they can, violently if
they must."

As a result of the Embargo Act, in 1809, Massachusetts
called a convention of the maritime States to form a
union against the Federal government, a movement which
was prevented by the repeal of the obnoxious act.

In 1812, when the United States was presenting to the
world the novel and striking spectacle of waging through
one of its political parties a foreign war which was
violently opposed by the other great political party, the
doctrine of States' rights again threatened to reach its
legitimate conclusion of secession.

President Madison was denounced as a usurper of
powers from which he was debarred by the Constitution.
From the beginning Massachusetts had denied the right
of the government to call for troops, holding, as has since
been held in somewhat notable instances, that it was for
the Governor of the State, and not for the President, to
decide whether there was sufficient reason for calling out
State militia.

Rhode Island and Connecticut refused to put their
troops under the command of Federal officers, the latter
declaring her sovereign independence, and holding with
unswerving tenacity the theory that the United States was
a confederated republic, not a nation.

The leaders of the Federalist party were seriously con
templating the question of whether the Union was a failure,
and considering the feasibility of withdrawing and setting
up a new little union for themselves.

Two years later the Hartford Convention, called by

144 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

the Massachusetts Legislature, expressed the opinion that
"events may prove that the causes of our calamities are
deep and permanent," and when that shall appear "a
separation by equitable arrangement will be preferable to
an alliance by constraint among nominal friends but real
enemies, inflamed by mutual hatred and jealousy, and in
viting by intestine divisions contempt and aggression from
abroad." In the return of peace, the causes of controversy
were forgotten, and the vexed question was left to be de
cided in a different way and at a fearful cost.

In the first half-century of constitutional history there
was no lack of opportunities for testing the prophetic in
sight of the great First Consul as to what might be ex
pected in the event of a clash of interests between the
sections.

Such a clash of interests arose in the late 2o's over the
sale of public lands in the West, and led to a war of words
in which the subject of nullification was discussed as a
possible way out of intersectional difficulties.

In 1831 the controversy over the protective tariff led
the great apostle of States' rights, Calhoun, to make the
assertion : " The great dissimilarity and; as I must add, as
truth compels me to do, contrariety of interests in our
country are so great that they can not be subjected to the
unchecked will of a majority of the whole without defeat
ing the great end of government — without which it is a
curse — justice." A short time before, at a public dinner,
he had followed the President's toast, "Our Federal
Union; it must be preserved," with "The Union, next to
our liberty the most dear; may we all remember that it
can only be preserved by respecting the rights of the
States, and distributing equally the benefit and burden of
the Union."

The word " nullification " was first used by Jefferson in

SECESSION, 145

the Kentucky resolution of 1798. In 1832, Mr. Clay's bill
providing for " a reduction of duties upon foreign prod
ucts, except where they came in conflict with articles of
domestic manufacture," was regarded by the South as fix
ing upon the country the protective system, a policy
which was favorable to the manufacturers of the North,
but not to the agriculturists of the South.

On the 24th of November, 1832, the convention called
by the Legislature of South Carolina declared the tariff
act to be null and void, and that the State would be ab
solved from allegiance to the Union if the government
should attempt to enforce the act, and would establish
an independent government. The threatened war was
averted by the efforts of the great " Compromiser," Clay,
who modified his tariff bill to meet the demands of South
Carolina, and secession was once more postponed to the
future.

The general opinion among the leaders of the South is
thus illustrated by the following statement made by the
great nullifier: "Nothing short of a negative, absolute
or in effect, on the part of the government of a State
can possibly protect it against the encroachments of the
united government of the States, whenever their powers
come in conflict."

In the closing year of his long life, that wise and far-
sighted statesman, Madison, wrote: "The visible suscep
tibility to the contagion of nullification in the Southern
States, the sympathy arising from known causes, and the in
culcated impression of a permanent incompatibility of in
terest between the North and the South, may put it in the
power of popular leaders, aspiring to the highest stations,
to unite the South, on some critical occasion, in some course
of action of which nullification may be the first step, se
cession the second, and a farewell separation the last."
n

146 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

The "incompatibility of interest," which Mr. Madison
recognized as one of the leading elements of discord
capable of resulting in "nullification," "secession," and
"farewell separation," was impressively illustrated in the
discussions of the commercial convention which met in
1838 at Augusta, Georgia, and afterward at Charleston,
South Carolina.

In this convention a comparison was made between
the relative commercial conditions of North and South
before and after the Union. In coloniil times the com
merce of the South was far superior to that of the North;
under the Constitution the difference was very largely in
favor of the North. In 1760 the importations of Virginia
amounted to 850,000 pounds st jrling, and that of South
Carolina to 555,000 pounds sterling. The imports of New
York at the same period were only 189,000; of Pennsyl
vania, 490,000, and of all the New England colonies col
lectively only 561,000 pounds sterling. In 1,821 the im
ports into New York had risen to about seventy times its
colonial import at an equal time before the adoption of
the Constitution. Those of South Carolina were about the
same as in 1760. In the nullification period of South
Carolina the difference had increased to an enormous ex
tent. New York had more than doubled, Virginia had
fallen off one-half, South Carolina two-thirds.

There were natural and inherent causes for a difference
in the commercial magnitude of the two sections, but,
making due allowance for these, the convention held that
unfair legislation was the prevailing cause of their busi
ness depression. The plan of the convention, providing
for the opening of the Southern ports to trade with for
eign countries, failed. This failure, though partly the ef
fect of Northern advantages of navigation, business apti
tude, and free labor, was yet held by the South to be in

SECESSION. 147

great degree due to Congressional legislation, which had
resulted in giving commercial success to the North in pref
erence to the South. The undeniable facts still remained,
that in colonial days the South was the seat of power, and
that she had now fallen to a minor place.

Again, in 1842-43 Massachusetts and Ohio proposed a
"peaceful dissolution of the Union," as preferable to re
maining a part of a commonwealth which included Texas
in its territory. The next year the American anti-slav
ery party announced that it was their duty to withdraw
from the Union and repudiate a Constitution which toler
ated slavery.

In 1844, when the discussion of the annexation of Texas
was raging hotly, the question of secession again arose
in the South. A meeting was held at Ashley, South Caro
lina, to unite the Southern States in support of annexa
tion, and to invite the President to convene Congress to
arrange terms of separation if Texas should not be admit
ted. One of the resolutions passed at that meeting was:

That the President of the United States be requested by the general
convention of the slave States, to call Congress together immediately;
when the final issue shall be made up, and the alternative distinctly pre
sented to the free States, either to admit Texas into the Union, or to
proceed peaceably and calmly to arrange the terms of a dissolution of
the Union.

That such dissolution could not be "peaceably and
calmly" effected evidently did not occur to any member
of the convention. According to the doctrine of States'
rights to which they had been trained there was no valid
reason for making objection to such an arrangement.

At Beaufort in the same State it was resolved, "that
we will dissolve this Union sooner than abandon Texas."
At a large meeting in the Williamsburg District it was re
solved that "we hold it to be better and more to the in-

148 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

^
terest of the southern and southwestern portions of this

confederacy to be out of the Union with Texas than in it
without her."

For the time, this movement was suppressed by dis
senting views earnestly promoted in other parts of the
South, but the subject was only postponed to break out
later in a more violent form.

Thus all the history of the United States, North and
South, since the adoption of the Constitution, pointed to
ward secession as the remedy for all sectional wrongs and
misfortunes.

The young men of martial instincts went to West Point
and learned the doctrine of States' rights, under the foster
ing care of the United States government, from the same
text-books from which they absorbed the art of war.

Soon after the New England States had threatened to
secede unless the war with Great Britain was adjusted sat
isfactorily to them, a Northern lawyer named Rawle pre
pared a work known as " Rawle on the Constitution." In
this book the right of secession was clearly set forth as
one guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States.
In view of the circumstances, this work may fairly be sup
posed to represent the sentiment of the North on the sub
ject of States' rights.

When Calhoun was Secretary of War he caused this
book to be included in the course of study as pursued at
West Point, where it remained until it was superseded in
1861 by some other text-book which presented a different
view of the vexed question. For nearly half a century
the only treatise on the Constitution ever seen by a West
Point cadet was Rawle's "Commentaries on the Constitu
tion," from which they were taught the principle that at a
later period became a political crime.

Politicians followed the lead of that greatest of all

SECESSION. 149

Southern statesmen, Calhoun, the unparalleled champion
of States' rights.

What wonder that, when the vital crisis came, the South
should resort once more to that course which had served
her so well in the past — secession?

Abraham Lincoln's avowed principle was that if slav
ery was wrong for the North, it was wrong for the South,
and that the Federal Union must be all slave or all free
territory. When, in 1860, he was elected President the
Southern States looked upon the Union as substantially
broken and the cotton States wanted to secede at once.
They summoned conventions, in accordance with the prec
edent of 1787 in the adoption of the Federal Constitution.
Through these conventions they revoked the assent of
each commonwealth to the federal compact and, as
sovereign commonwealths, they formed a new federal
compact, as the Southern Confederacy.

The border States, were bitterly opposed to secession,
taking no part in the movement, anxiously and prayerfully
awaiting the policy of President Lincoln — but, alas! they
interpreted his inaugural speech as a declaration of war.
After his Cabinet meeting, March 29, 1861, he ordered a
naval expedition to be in readiness to move on to Sumter
and Pickens. On April 12, 1861, Beauregard, in opposi
tion to this armed invasion, opened fire, and Mr. Lincoln
further verified the interpretation of his address by issuing
an official call for seventy-five thousand volunteers to over
come " combinations too powerful to be suppressed by ju
dicial proceedings." The border States, who had hereto
fore been for peace, at once put on their war-paint.

Virginia, who, but a month before, had by a vote of
ninety to forty-five rejected the ordinance of secession,
now immediately passed it. North Carolina, Tennessee
and Arkansas followed in hot haste.

ISO PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Thus North and South, each charging the other with
aggression, sprang to arms, father against son, brother
against brother; the North to " save the Union," the South
to defend her homes and firesides.

General Pickett was stationed at San Juan Island on
the Pacific coast when his State seceded, and the follow
ing letter to one of his loved ones, written on his way
back to offer his services to his beloved Virginia, will
show the contending feelings of his brave and loving
heart:

I pray God that this direful revolution

which has come about because of misunderstandings, and for which I see
no real necessity, may yet in some way be averted.

Of course, President Lincoln's call to march against the South, the
encampment around Washington, the invasion of Maryland by a Mas
sachusetts regiment, the blockading of the Southern ports against the
commerce of the whole world, mean war and leave but one honorable
course open to me.

Dearly, therefore, as I love the Union, and proud as I am of my
country and the great name of American citizen, I can not invade my own
fireside — I can not raise my arm against my own kith and kin. All my
ambition and patriotism shall henceforth live only in the defense of my
beloved State, which has the first claim upon my allegiance, and demands
this my immediate return to her. I hope the South has thought to keep
our flag, the stars and the stripes, for the star-spangled banner will be
worth more to us in the coming conflict than the people of the South,
who only know their own State flag, have any idea of

The war between the States has now been over thirty-
three years. The falsehoods and misrepresentations as to
the causes which led up to that gigantic struggle should
have since been truthfully and candidly written, but the
powers which have mainly controlled affairs since the war
have seemed to find it necessary to justify their actions
by an unfair statement of the motives and principles
which drove the Southern States to secession.

SECESSION. 1 5 1

Histories, paintings, theatrical exhibitions, panoramas,
and all things which contribute to form public opinion,
have, in order to secure financial success, been made to
pander too much to the tastes and prejudices of those who
should be furnished with the substantial truth.

Though the American people, as a class, are as intelli
gent generally as the foremost nations of the world, yet
comparatively few have had the time, thought, or interest
thoroughly to investigate the causes which prompted the
action of the South. If the question should be asked of
the average citizen north of the Potomac, "What was the
cause of the Civil War?" his reply would be, "The South
attempted to destroy the Union to perpetuate human
slavery."

In my humble tribute to the history of the struggle, I
feel it due to the memory, patriotism, statesmanship
and pure Christian character of the thousands and tens of
thousands of our beloved Southern men who offered up
their all in this mighty struggle, to say here, that I wish
to prevent, as far as it is possible for my feeble effort to
do so, any such falsification of so important a page in
history.

The right of secession, as shown in the historical facts
set forth in this chapter, has at different periods been
claimed by every section of this country. To deny this is
to deny history. In his speech in Congress on the "Spot
Resolutions," Mr. Lincoln said:

Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have the
riglit to rise up and shake off the existing government and form a new
one that suits them better. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right,
a right which, we hope and believe, is to liberate the world. Nor is this
right confined to cases in which the whole people of an existing govern
ment may choose to exercise it. Any portion of such people that can
may revolutionize, and make their own of so much of a territory as they
inhabit. More than this, a majority of any portion of such people may

I $2 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. .

revolutionize, putting down a minority, mingled with or near to them,
who may oppose their movements. Such minority was precisely the case
of the Tories of our own revolution.

We see that secession had been acknowledged as a
right by all parts of the country. When at the Hartford
Convention New England threatened to secede because
she felt that her interests were prejudiced by the war with
England, she asserted her faith in the doctrine of the right
of States to protect that which most nearly concerned
their own citizens, though they had no such, legal cause of
secession as the South had.

Mr. Lincoln was elected on a platform which directly
assailed the rights of our people granted by the Constitu
tion. Thus he violated the Constitution adopted for a
more perfect union, and thereby made the first assault
upon the integrity of the Union. Sections 7 and 8 of the
platform set forth:

That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries
slavery into any or all of the territories of the United States, is a danger
ous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that in
strument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative
and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive
of the peace and harmony of the country.

That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is
that of freedom; that as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished
slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be
deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, " it be
comes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to
maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to vio
late it; and we deny the authority of Congress, or a territorial legislature,
or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory
of the United States.

Not only the rights of slavery were attacked in the
Republican platform, but the right of occupancy to ter
ritory won in great part by the blood and treasure of our

SECESSION. 153

people was denied. The States, therefore, which had con
tributed so much to the formation, protection and exten*
sion of the American Union were made to feel that they
no longer had any part in a government for which, when
treated with justice and fairness, they would gladly have
died. Thus thousands of broken-hearted, patriotic, union-
loving men bade farewell to a Union in which their rights
and privileges were forcibly wrested from them.

Under the Southern flag there were no traitors, no rebels.
To state the reverse of this proposition is to falsify his
tory; to charge it is a crime. The bravest, truest survivors
who wore the gray are as ready to defend our country as
any man who wore the blue. They thank God that no
question of slavery, secession, or anything else can ever
again disturb our unity, our interest, or our pride in our
grand and glorious country. But history will not fail to
teach us the lesson that we should learn, and which we hope
our country has learned so thoroughly as never to be for
gotten, that the majority, no matter how powerful, can not
with impunity trample upon the rights of the minority.

The war which has just been happily concluded showed
the love and heroism of all parts of this country, and
teaches all what I would teach my reader in this chapter
— that the manhood, courage and patriotism of each sec
tion of our country must not be disparaged by any other
portion of our Union. We are Americans all.

CHAPTER XIX.

AT YORKTOWN AND WILLIAMSBURG.

On the I4th of February, 1862, General Picket! was
appointed brigadier-general, and assigned to the com
mand of Cocke's Virginia brigade of infantry.

Pickett's brigade was composed of the Eighth, Eigh
teenth, Nineteenth and Twenty-eighth Virginia Regi
ments. The Eighth Regiment was commanded by Col
onel Eppa Hunton, and was recruited in Loudon County,
Virginia. The Eighteenth Regiment was commanded by
Colonel Robert E. Withers, and was recruited in Pittsyl-
vania County, Virginia. The Nineteenth Virginia Regi
ment was commanded by Colonel J. R. Strange, and was
recruited in Albemarle County. The Twenty-eighth Regi
ment was commanded by Colonel Robert T. Preston, and
was recruited in Roanoke County.

The first movement of the brigade after General Pickett
assumed command was the occupation of the Peninsula
in front of Yorktown under General Joseph E. Johnston,
where it maintained the line of defense in several severe
skirmishes with the Federal forces under General George
B. McClellan.

Of the four ways in which the Army of the Potomac
might have advanced toward Richmond, McClellan chose
the one by Fortress Monroe into the Peninsula and up
between the James and York rivers.

Thus the ground which had been made famous less
than a hundred years before, by the surrender of Corn-
wallis to the combined forces of Washington and Ro-

154

A T YORKTO WN AND WILLIAM SB URG. I $ 5

chambeau, again became the scene of important historic
events.

President Davis, being uncertain as to whether McClel-
lan's army was intended for the invasion of Virginia, or
was on its way to North Carolina, had sent General John
G. Walker's brigade from Fredericksburg to North Caro
lina, and the brigade of General Wilcox from the Rapidan
to reinforce Magruder near Yorktown. When the ad
vance upon Yorktown became evident the divisions of
D. H. Hill, D. R. Jones, and Early were sent from the
Army of Northern Virginia to the Peninsula. Jackson's
division was left at Mount Jackson, Ewell's on the Rap-
pahannock, Longstreet's at Orange Court-house, and G.
W. Smith's at Fredericksburg.

Reports from General Magruder at Yorktown indi
cating that McClellan's whole army was moving toward
Richmond, Major-General Longstreet and General Smith
were ordered to Richmond, the latter leaving a portion
of his troops in front of Fredericksburg.

With his small force General Magruder opposed the
march of the Federals, with the design of delaying them
until his army could be reinforced, which he so far suc
ceeded in doing as to impress McClellan with the idea
that the Confederate forces were much larger than they
really were.

In the conference which took place about this time,
between President Davis and his leading generals, John
ston urged a consolidation of all the available forces in
front of Richmond, to receive the impending attack of
McClellan and repel it with such vigor as to destroy the
Army of the Potomac, thus hoping to end the war at a
stroke. Longstreet wished to attack Washington, thereby
compelling McClellan to turn his attention to affairs
nearer home.

PICKETT AND HIS MEN. ^

As Davis and Lee opposed Johnston's suggestion, lest
it might dangerously weaken other important points, and
Longstreet was not permitted to elaborate his plan, a suc
cession of small engagements took place, decisive of
nothing in particular, unless it might be of the value of
"On to Richmond!" as a war-cry. The first of these was
the siege of Yorktown, which began the 5th of April and
was in progress on the 1 7th, when Joseph E. Johnston
took command of the Army of the Peninsula.

Upon the arrival of Smith and Longstreet the Con
federate forces amounted to fifty thousand, Magruder's
division forming the right wing, Longstreet's the center,
D. H. Hill's the left, Smith's the reserve.

There was some long-range skirmishing and a daily
cannonading, and a line of batteries was constructed. As
the time drew near for the attack to begin, Johnston de
termined to abandon his works, rather than expose his
troops to a fire resulting in a loss so serious that it could
not be compensated for by the few days which might be
gained for the reinforcement of his army. Accordingly,
on Saturday, the 3d day of May, Yorktown was evacu
ated, and General Huger was ordered from Norfolk to
Richmond. Of the withdrawal from Yorktown Comte
de Paris says: "The retreat was under the direction of
Longstreet, who had already given evidence of the posses
sion of those qualities which afterward made him the
greatest of Lee's lieutenants."

At noon on the 4th Williamsburg was reached. At
four o'clock the cavalry on the Yorktown road were
driven in, and a skirmish took place near Fort Magruder,
where the Federal troops were defeated and lost a piece
of artillery.

There was a heavy fall of rain on the night of the 4th,
and on the next morning Smith's division and the bag-

A T YORKTO WN AND WILLIAM SB URG. 157

gage-train marched out through rain and mud. The Fed
erals attacked the fort, and the brigades of Wilcox and
A. P. Hill were sent to its assistance, and later, as the fire
increased, Pickett's and Colston's brigades reinforced the
troops in the fort.

Johnston had ridden forward to join the troops on the
march, but the battle became so hot that he turned back
and ordered the division of D. H. Hill, which had gone
forward, to return to Longstreet's assistance. In his offi
cial account of the engagement, General Johnston says:
"The action gradually increased in magnitude until about
three o'clock, when General Longstreet, commanding the
rear, requested that a part of Major-General Hill's troops
might be sent to his aid. Upon this I rode upon the
field, but found myself compelled to be a spectator, for
General Longstreet's clear head and brave heart left no
apology for interference."

At Williamsburg, on this 5th day of May, 1862, Pick
ett's brigade, as a brigade, fought its first battle, helping
to repulse the superior force of the Federals with much
honor and glory to themselves and great loss to the
enemy.

General McClellan never made another attack upon
the Confederates after the battle of Williamsburg, never
came upon striking terms with them again, but kept them
at a prudent and respectful distance till he had safely
crossed the Chickahominy.

The Williamsburg conflict, though unsought by the
Confederates, was important to them, in that it not only
appeased their impatience for action — for ennui is a lash —
but opened a vista of hope, while to the Federals it showed
what havoc might be wrought by the mere fragment of an
army they were following.

The original fie 'Id-notes from which General Pickett made

158 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. 9

his revised and condensed report of the battle of Williams-
burg are as follows:

HEADQUARTERS THIRD BRIGADE, SECOND DIVISION,

SECOND CORPS, May — , 1862.

CAPTAIN: I have the honor to report that on the morning of the 5th
instant my brigade -was on the march from our bivouac in rear of the
Old College of Williamsburg. About eight o'clock I received an order
from Major-General Longstreet to countermarch and follow in rear of
General Wilcox's brigade.

My brigade, Captain Bearing's battery leading, was halted near the
Old College, and then ordered to move toward the redoubts in front of
the town to the point where the " King's Mill " branches from the main
road.

In accordance with directions I informed Brigadier-General Ander
son of my presence. Within two hundred yards of the point designated
I found that the ground immediately in advance was exactly in range of
the enemy's fire. I at once sent forward my aide, Lieutenant Pickett.to
Fort Magruder to notify General Anderson of our position. He directed
me to remain in my position, as he did not then need assistance.

Half an hour later I received an order from General Anderson to
bring on my brigade as soon as possible. Hearing a sharp firing in the
point of woods in front, and not knowing the ground to be suitable for
the maneuvering of artillery, I ordered Captain Bearing to halt until I
should ascertain where he would be needed.

On my way to the skirt of woods I met General Stuart, who pointed
out the best route. In a few moments I reported to General Anderson.
Learning from him that the battery in Fort Magruder had suffered
severely, I, with his approval, sent back an order to Captain Bearing to
take a section of his battery to its relief. The order was promptly ex
ecuted.

General Anderson directed me to take my brigade into the woods to
the right of the point at which General Wilcox had first entered, and
•where General Hill with his brigade had also gone in to his assistance.
The object was to extend well to the right and, if possible, turn the left
flank of the enemy. I had scarcely filed in with the Eighth Virginia
when I was recalled. I gave the necessary directions to Lieutenant-
Colonel Berkeley commanding the Eighth, and upon reaching the edge
of the woods was ordered to move the other three regiments to the front
where our forces were hotly engaged. Thus the Eighth was separated
from its brigade during the action.

A T YORKTO WN AND WILLIAM SB URG. 1 59

The Eighteenth, followed by the Nineteenth and Twenty-eighth, re
lieved a portion of Wilcox's brigade, which had suffered severely. We
drove back the enemy in front to a very strong position of felled trees
forming a perfect abatis. Here I placed the Eighteenth, Lieutenant-
Colonel Carrington, in line, and the Nineteenth, Colonel Strange, on its
left. As the ground on the left of this regiment was occupied by the
Nineteenth Mississippi Regiment, Colonel Mote, and the Seventeenth
Virginia, Colonel Corse, I placed the Twenty-eighth slightly in rear as
a reserve for the Eighteenth and Nineteenth.

From the movements of the enemy at this time I judged that they
were very strongly reinforced. They advanced to within thirty or forty
yards of our position, cheering and opening a most severe, well-directed
and determined fire along the front of the Eighteenth and the right of the
Nineteenth, which regiments maintained their ground, returning the fire
with most telling effect. This deadly work was kept up half an hour
without cessation or giving way on either side. Then, from the renewed
cheering and the clear ringing of their guns, I think the enemy was again
reinforced.

Fearing that our men were wasting their ammunition, I consulted
with Lieutenant-Colonel Carrington and, finding that he had no field-of
ficer, told him to use his utmost endeavors on the right of his regiment
to prevent his men from throwing away a shot, while I would personally
superintend the execution of the order on the left, and pass it on to the
Nineteenth. While endeavoring to do so, much to my surprise I found
the whole line from right to left abandoning our dearly bought position
and falling back through the woods. Some one, it appears, had passed
down an order from the right of the line to fall back. I let them know
at once that this was false, that no such order had been given, and none
should be given by me. In a few minutes, with the valuable assistance
of Lieutenant-Colonel Gantt and my aides, Lieutenants Baird and
Pickett, they were stopped in time to prevent a great disaster. They
moved forward to their place, all coming up gallantly with a cheer.

The Twenty-eighth relieved the Eighteenth, its ammunition being
low, and Lieutenant-Colonel Carrington fell to the rear a sufficient dis
tance partially to refill his cartridge-boxes from the knapsacks of the
enemy's dead. I sent a courier to the major-general commanding to in
form him that we were in want of ammunition.

I met the gallant and lamented Colonel Irby with four companies of
the Eighth Alabama Regiment of General Pryor's brigade, who reported
to me for duty. I directed him to move slightly to the right of where
the Eighteenth had been. He rushed on eagerly at the head of his men,

160 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

and coming close on to a party of the enemy, was about to fire, wheQ
they called out, "We are friends; don't fire!" at the same time holding
up their hands. While partially turning to caution his men not to fire,
the brave colonel, with many of his men, was killed by a volley poured
in by the accomplished cowards. When the fire was returned at such
short range they fled in mad haste. I ordered Colonel Irby's body to
be immediately carried from the field.

About this time reinforcements came up from Colston's and Pryor's
brigades. Upon consultation with Generals Hill and Pryor, a general
charge along the whole line was determined on, and I moved to the right
to look after the Eighth Regiment. At the moment of the charge the
enemy on the right, who had been silent for some time, appeared again
in numbers, but were gallantly repulsed and driven from the field by the
Eighth Regiment of my brigade, and the Fourteenth Louisiana Regiment
of Pryor's brigade. The Nineteenth, supported by the Eighteenth, cap
tured a battery and a number of prisoners.

By order of General Wilcox the Twenty-eighth advanced at a charge
over an open space in front of the captured battery under a heavy fire,
still driving the enemy before them. Colonel Allen, of the Eighteenth,
was for a few moments in the hands of the enemy, but was rescued
by his own presence of mind and the timely assistance of some of
bis men.

Shortly after this I reported in person to the major-general com
manding, and received instructions from him about bringing off our
wounded and retiring after dark. These instructions I communicated
to all the brigadier-generals except General Pryor, whom I failed to find
because of the darkness and smoke. I dispatched messengers, however,
to notify him.

The gallantry and energy exhibited by both officers and men can not
be too highly commended. After difficult night marches, through
drenching rains, with but scanty rations, they met enemies well fed, su
perior in numbers, better armed, better equipped, and well posted, and
drove them a mile during the engagement. I take pleasure in stating to
the major-general commanding that their confidence in their own abil
ity and their cause is redoubled since this action.

The ground in front of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth was literally
covered with dead. The color-bearer of the Eighteenth (Sergeant Solon
A. Boston) was shot down while gallantly waving the standard in front
of the regiment, leading it to the charge.

I can not close without expressing my appreciation of the prompt
ness of the regimental commanders and Lieutenant-Colonel Gantt in

A T YORKTO WN AND WILLIAMSB URG. 1 6 1

carrying out orders and the ability they evinced in conducting their
regiments when separated from me.

I take pleasure in calling attention to the efficient service rendered to
my own brigade, as well as to others, by the gallant Captain Manning,
aide-de-camp to the major-general commanding. To my personal staff,
Captain Croxton and Lieutenants Baird and Pickett, I am much indebted
for the continuous and arduous duties they performed under a most
galling fire. Having been sent with an order, Captain Croxton was with
General Pryor and Lieutenant-Colonel Berkeley, of the Eighth, during
the early part of the engagement. These gentlemen speak of the great
assistance which he rendered them. I respectfully call the attention of
the major-general commanding to those specially mentioned by their
colonels in regimental reports.

I must also mention the dastardly subterfuges of an enemy professing
to be civilized, such as raising a white flag and pretending to surrender
in order to stop our fire, to allow their reinforcements to come up and
enable them to pour in deadly volleys upon an honorable and too un
suspicious foe.

Our loss was severe: Officers killed, two; enlisted men killed,
twenty-four; officers wounded, nine; enlisted men wounded, one hundred
and twenty-nine; officers missing, one; enlisted men missing, twenty-five.
Total killed, wounded and missing, one hundred and ninety. The brigade
entered the action with fifteen hundred and twenty-nine muskets. Ac
companying is a full list of casualties.

I am, Captain, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

G. E. PICKETT,

To CAPTAIN G. M. SORREL, Brigadier-General Commanding.

Assistant Adjutant-General.

CHAPTER XX.

SEVEN PINES.

The June roses were in bloom when the battle of Seven
Pines, May 31 and June I, was fought. There were never
before such wonderful June roses as those which glorified
the gardens of the South in that blood-stained summer.
It seemed as if the crimson of all the battle-fields of that
ensanguined year had concentrated in the royal red of
their velvet petals, and the spirit of devotion and patriotic
ardor had breathed a new fragrance into their glowing
hearts. They brought a world of comfort to the wounded
men, lying helpless on couches of pain.

The name of this rose-time battle is different with the
two armies — being called by the Federal troops "Fair
Oaks," from a little railway-station of that name near
which it was fought, and by the Confederates "Seven
Pines," from a neighboring group of pine-trees. By this
latter name it is always known in the common parlance
of the country.

The fighting occurred at the intersection of the Seven-
Mile Williamsburg road and the Nine-Mile road, while
"Fair-Oaks," where there was only a skirmish with the
rear guard, in which the Federal troops were victorious,
is on the northern side of the York River Railroad, and to
the left of " Seven Pines." But for the adverse direction
of the wind there would, in all probability, never have
been any dispute as to the final results of "Seven Pines"
or " Fair Oaks."

By the 25th of May the left wing of the Federal army,

162

SEVEN PINES. 163

comprising the corps of Heintzelman and Keyes, had
crossed the Chickahominy. McClellan was trying to
bridge the stream for the crossing of his artillery, an ef
fort greatly impeded by the heavy rains which carried
the bridges away as fast as they could be constructed.

Sumner, Franklin and Porter extended their troops on
the east bank along a line of eighteen miles. Johnston's
design was to attack Heintzelman and Keyes as soon as
they should be far enough removed from the rest of the
army to make such a movement practicable.

On the morning of the 3<Dth a reconnoitering party un
der General Garland reported indications of the presence
of at least a corps of Federals west of Seven Pines. Gen
eral Johnston seems to have made the mistake of underes
timating the strength of the force which he was about to
attack, it consisting of two corps instead of one, as he
supposed. In the evening he issued the following com
mands:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,
MAJOR-GENERAL G. W. SMITH. May 30, 9:15 P.M.

GENERAL : If nothing prevents, we will fall upon the enemy in front
of Major-General Hill (who occupies the position on the Williamsburg
road from which your troops moved to the neighborhood of Meadow
Bridge) early in the morning — as early as practicable. The Chicka
hominy will be passable only at the bridge, a great advantage to us.
Please be ready to move by the Gaines road, coming as early as possi
ble to the point at which the road to New Bridge turns off. Should
there be cause for haste, Major-General McLaws, on your approach, will
be ordered to leave his ground for you, that he may reinforce General
Longstreet. Most respectfully your obedient servant,

J. E. JOHNSTON.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA.
MAJOR-GENERAL HUGER. May 30, 1862, 8:30 P.M.

GENERAL: The reports of Major-General D. H. Hill give me the
impression that the enemy is in considerable strength in his front. It

1 64 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

seems to me necessary that we should increase our force also; for that
object I wish to concentrate the troops of your division on the Charles
City road, and to concentrate the troops of Major-General Hill on the
Williamsburg road. To do this it will be necessary for you to move,
as early in the morning as possible, to relieve the brigade of General
Hill's division now on the Charles City road. I have desired General
Hill to send you a guide. The road is the second large one diverging to
the right from the Williamsburg road. The first turns off near the toll-
gate. On reaching your position on the Charles City road, learn at
once the route to the main roads, to Richmond on your right and left,
especially those to the left, and try to find guides. Be ready if an ac
tion should begin on your left, to fall upon the enemy's left flank.

Most respectfully your obedient servant,
% J. E. JOHNSTON.

P. S. — It is necessary to move very early.

Longstreet received instructions to form his own and
Hill's division in two lines at right angles across the
Williamsburg road and attack in that order. Huger was
to come down the Charles City road, attacking the enemy
on the left as soon as the engagement in front should be
on.' Smith was to prevent the passage of the enemy
across the river to assist Heintzelman and Keyes. Should
no such occasion arise, he was to attack the right of the
forces engaged with Longstreet.

A violent storm of the 3Oth had flooded the level
ground, and Longstreet was delayed by the necessity of
constructing a bridge at Gillis Creek. This difficulty sur
mounted he reached position at nine o'clock and waited
with Hill for the arrival of the troops from Norfolk, who
had been manning the defenses of that city.

At two o'clock Longstreet's division, with Hill's,
marched toward the enemy, meeting the advanced troops
at three o'clock and driving them back to the first line of
Keyes's corps — Casey's division. Here a vigorous fight
took place and the Federals fell back to the second line,
the division of Couch at Seven Pines. The entire corps of

SEVEN PINES. 165

Keyes was broken and driven from its ground, most of
them along Williamsburg road to Heintzelman's line and
two brigades into White Oak swamp.

In the meantime, Johnston had left the control to
Longstreet and Hill, and had gone to the Nine-Mile
road to watch for reinforcements which might be sent
to the Unionists from beyond the Chickahominy. He
had supposed that the sound of the musketry at the
opening of the action would be audible from that point.
By some fatality, the wind carried the sound away from
him, only four miles distant from the scene of action,
and bore it to McClellan, lying ill ten miles away, who
recognized the situation and sent Sumner forward to Fair
Oaks.

Johnston, with Smith and Whiting, was to have made
an attack upon the Federals' right simultaneously with
Longstreet's advance, but was prevented by his failure
to catch the reports of the musketry fire until it was too
late to co-operate fully. He then sent Smith forward
along the Nine-Mile road. The Sixth North Carolina,
being in advance, encountered the Federal skirmishers
and drove them back. As Johnston rode on with Hood's
brigade, he stopped near Fair Oaks to witness a contest
between Smith and a body of Federal infantry supported
by a battery, but supposing that Smith was able to hold
his ground, he sent Hood on to join Longstreet and attack
the right flank of the Federals. General Couch had gone
toward Fair Oaks to attack the Confederate left when he
was met by Smith and Johnston.

At 4.30 General Sumner arrived at Fair Oaks with
Sedgwick's division and Kirby's battery, having suc
ceeded in crossing the river on two bridges not yet com
pleted. Here he was attacked by Smith with Hampton's,
Pettigrew's and Hatton's brigades. Smith was repulsed,

1 66 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Hatton killed, Pettigrew wounded and taken prisoner,
and Hampton wounded.

While the battle yet continued darkness came to force
a truce. Johnston ordered his troops to sleep on their
lines to be ready for the morning. Shortly after seven
he was slightly wounded by a musket-shot. A little later
he observed that one of his colonels was trying to dodge
the shells. He turned toward him and said, "Colonel,
there is no use dodging; when you hear them they have
passed." Just then a shell exploded, striking him on the
breast, and he fell unconscious into the arms of one of his
couriers, Drury L. Armistead. When he regained con
sciousness he found that his sword and pistols were gone.
"The sword was one worn by my father in the Revo
lutionary War," he said, "and I would not lose it for ten
thousand dollars; will not some one please go back and
get it and my pistols for me?" Armistead returned to
the field, found them and carried them safely off through
a storm of artillery, receiving one of the pistols as a token
of the gratitude of the wounded chief. The pistols had
been presented to Johnston by the inventor, Colonel Colt.
Johnston was so severely wounded that he was not able
to return to the service until the following November, a
serious loss to the Confederacy, as few have equaled him
in military skill and sagacity, in high soldierly qualities,
and in the art of winning the hearts of his fellow soldiers.

The command passed temporarily to General G. W.
Smith, as the next in rank, to be soon succeeded by Gen
eral R. E. Lee. Smith, a short time later, resigned his
commission and went to Georgia.

Hill spent the night of the 3ist in the comfortable tent
of Casey, surrounded by the luxuries which that officer
had selected more, perhaps, with reference to his own
tastes than to those of a Confederate leader. In war

SE VEN PINES. 1 67

times, however, there are certain crises in which a soldier
is not inclined to be fastidious, and if a few of Hill's pet
fancies had been neglected he did not complain.

The next day was spent by Longstreet in fighting
along the Williamsburg road.

On this day Pickett's brigade played an important and
gallant part, an account of which may be best given in
Pickett's report to General Johnston:

SIR: On the afternoon of May 31, 1862, just as the battle of Seven
Pines was being opened by Major-General Longstreet, I was directed
by that officer to move with my brigade to the York Railroad bridge,
cover the same, repel any advance of the enemy up that road, and hold
myself in readiness to move to the support of our advance, if needed.
About 9 P.M. I received orders from General Longstreet to march my
brigade at daylight and report to Major-General D. H. Hill, at or near
Seven Pines. I moved accordingly, and found General Hill at General
Casey's late headquarters, just in rear of the enemy's redoubt.

My brigade had marched on some four hundred yards in advance of
this point when it was there halted. General Hill directed me to ride over
to the railroad and communicate with Brigadier-General Hood, whose
right was resting on that road. I asked General Hill where the enemy
were. He said they were some distance in advance; I had no definite
idea where, as I saw none, and had not time to examine the position or
the nature of the ground.

With two of my staff-officers, Captains Pickett and Archer, I pro
ceeded through the undergrowth and thickets toward the railroad some
four hundred yards, when I was met by a part of the Louisiana Zouaves
(who had evidently been on a plundering expedition), rustling past me at
a most headlong speed. I seized on one fellow who was riding a mule
with a halter, and detained him for explanation. He said the enemy
were within a few yards of us, and entreated me to let him save himself.

I immediately rode back with him at a gallop, and as briefly as pos
sible informed General Hill of the circumstances. He ordered me to at
tack, and I supposed the same order was given to the other brigade com
manders. I rejoined my brigade at once and, by a change of front for
ward, put it in line of battle nearly perpendicular to the railroad and
advanced, Armistead on my left, Pryor and Wilcox (the latter I did not
see, but heard he was there) on my right.

1 68 PICKET y AND HIS MEN. .

Within a short distance we struck the enemy, who opened heavily
on us, drove him through an abatis, over a cross-road leading to the rail
road, and was advancing over a second abatis when I discovered that
Armistead's brigade had broken, and were leaving the field pell-mell.
At this moment I was on foot and half-way across the abatis, the men
moving on beautifully and carrying everything before them. I could
scarcely credit my own eyes on witnessing this misfortune on my left. I
immediately rode to that part of the field and found nothing between me
and the railroad except the gallant Armistead himself with a regimental
color and some thirty persons, mostly officers.

I saw our danger at once, and despatched a courier to General Hill
asking for more troops to cover the vacuum. Receiving no reply, and
the enemy pressing forward in force, brigade after brigade, and threat
ening my left flank, I threw back the left wing of the Nineteenth Virginia,
the left regiment, so as to oppose a front to them, despatched a staff-
officer to General Hill with a request for troops, and after awhile sent a
second despatch, similarly worded.

As a matter of course, from having been the attacking party, I now had
to act on the defensive. Fortunately, the enemy seemed determined on
attacking and carrying my front and driving me out of the abatis, which
our men succeeded in preventing, though with considerable loss.

About this time I learned that Pryor's brigade was being withdrawn
from my right. I had, in the meantime, sent all my staff and couriers
back to General Hill, the last message being that if he would send more
troops and some ammunition to me we would drive the enemy across the
Chickahominy. I have always believed this would have been done but
for the misfortune which happened to our general on the previous even
ing. Had he not been wounded, but on the field with us, the result would
have been entirely different.

I do not mean to cast any blame on the brave and heroic Hill, for
after the fall of the master-spirit there seemed to be no head, and Hill,
I know, was bothered and annoyed with countermanding orders. No
assisiance, no demonstration was given or made from the other side of
the railroad. A most perfect apathy seemed to prevail. Not a gun
ivas fired, and I subsequently learned from Brigadier-General Hood
that he saw the enemy pouring his forces across the railroad, not
more than six or eight hundred yards in his front, and concentrating
their attack on me, and that one piece of artillery placed in the rail
road cut would have stopped this and drawn their attention to his front.
But he said he had instructions to make no movement, but to zvait for
orders. A forward movement then by the left wing of our army would

SEVEN PINES. 169

have struck the enemy in flank and at any rate have stopped their con
centration.

At this perilous juncture, hearing nothing from General Hill, I rode
as rapidly as possible to him, and explained as laconically as I could the
position of affairs. He asked me if I could not withdraw my brigade. I
said yes, but I did not wish to do so; that I would leave all my wounded,
lose many more men, and that the enemy would pour down on the dis
organized mass, as he himself termed the troops about him. He then
sent two regiments of Colston's, which Captain Pickett put in position
on my left, and asked me to take Mahone's brigade and put it on my
right, which was done, Mahone becoming hotly engaged a few moments
after getting in position.

I had ordered my men, as far as possible, to reserve their fire.
From that circumstance, I suppose, and from the fact that the enemy
had become aware of the small force actually opposed to them, a brigade
debouched from the piece of woods in my front and moved steadily toward
my left flank. They came up to within short range, when their com
mander, seeing his men about to commence firing, stopped them and
called out, " What troops are those?" Some of our men shouted, "Vir
ginians!" He then cried out, "Don't fire! — they'll surrender; we'll

capture all these Virginians!" Scarcely were the words uttered

when the Nineteenth and the left of the Eighteenth rose in the abatis and
poured a withering volley into them, killing their commanding officer,
and literally mowing down their ranks. Just then Colston's regiments
came up on the left and Mahone on the right. The enemy retreated to
their bosky cover and their fire immediately slackened. No other at
tempt was made by them to advance, and about i P.M. (I judge), by
General HilVs order, I withdrew the ic'holc of our front line, Pryor
and Wilcox and some other troops I do not remember being in position
some four hundred yards in our rear. We withdrew in perfect order.
Not a gun was fired at us, and we brought off all our wounded.

This was the conclusion of the battle of Seven Pines. No shot was
fired afterward. Our troops occupied the same ground that evening,
June i, and that night which they had held on the previous night. Gen
eral Mahone and his brigade occupied the redoubt, and our line of pick
ets was thrown out well in advance. I know this of my own personal
knowledge, for General Hill sent for me about one o'clock at night or,
rather, morning of June 2, and I went to the redoubt in search of him,
and still further on toward our picket-line.

General Hill gave me special orders to cover the withdrawal of the
troops with my brigade, which, by the way, proved a much easier task

I7O PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

than I had anticipated. I had formed my line of battle, two regiments,
on each side of the road, some little distance in rear of the redoubt.
Half an hour after sunrise the whole of our force had filed past. I then
leisurely moved off, not an enemy in sight, nor even a puff of smoke.

My brigade consisted of the Eighth Virginia, Lieutenant-Colonel
Berkeley; Eighteenth, Colonel Withers; Nineteenth, Colonel Strange;
Twenty-eighth, Colonel Walter. Aggregate, seventeen hundred. Loss
three hundred and fifty killed and wounded. No prisoners.

Very respectfully,

(Signed) G. E. PICKETT,
To GENERAL Jos. E. JOHNSTON. Brigadier-General.

This battle brought the war closer to me than any
other had yet done. The school had closed and my
vacation was just beginning. I could not return to my
home, which was within the Federal lines, and my mother
had accepted an invitation for me from friends in Rich
mond.

The library and parlors of the beautiful home of my
friends had been given up for the comfort of the wounded
soldiers. The city was in tears; the horrors of .war had
become a reality. Busy, bustling, sad enough scenes
were being enacted on every side. New regiments from
the far South had but just arrived and were marching
through the streets, cheering and waving their hats as
they passed. Batteries of artillery were hurrying along
the thoroughfares, all going toward the front, down Main
and Broad streets into the Williamsburg road. Long
lines of ambulances coming from the opposite way toiled
slowly along, filled with the wounded from the battle-field
who were being carried to the various hospitals, the long,
torturing way marked by the trail of blood that oozed
drop by drop from human veins. Here and there might
be seen a wagon-load of dead, piled one upon another,
their stiffened, rigid feet exposed to view, showing to the
horrified spectators that for just so many the cares and

SEVEN PINES. I?!

sorrows of this life, its pains and miseries, were passed
forever. Every vehicle of any description was utilized
and crowded to its utmost capacity. The less severely
wounded were made to walk, and long lines of them
could be seen hobbling along the street, their wounds
bound up in bloody rags.

The citizens turned out in full force and did all in their
power to alleviate the sufferings of the soldiers. Not a
home in all the city wherein some wounded were not
taken to be nursed with tenderest care. Every possible
space, parlors, passages, and chambers, were converted
into temporary hospitals, and everything done that un
wearied nursing and gentlest attention could devise, and
that for the roughest soldier in the ranks as readily as for
the general who wore the stars. Women stood before
their doors with wine and food, ministering it unsparingly
to the wounded going by.

The Capitol square, the news-mart and general rendez
vous at all times for the soldiers, was now filled with offi
cers, privates and citizens, and many who were in doubt
as to the fate of some loved one, turned their steps to
this little park as the surest and easiest way of gaining
information. Comrades met and congratulated each
other on escape. Citizens were listening to recitals of the
battle. Dirty, mud-covered soldiers, husbands, brothers
and lovers, were clasped in whitest arms.

The soft-voiced women of the South had dauntless
souls, and when sobbing in agony at parting they yet
could murmur with pallid lips like the Spartan mother
when handing the shield to her son — "Return with it or
upon it!"

It had been a terrible time of anxiety to the people of
Richmond. All day long the cannon had thundered and
roared. With agonized feelings they had listened to the

172 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

death-sounds, and with nerves strained to the highest ten
sion awaited the results. Not only did they have their
own near and dear to think of, but from all the South had
poured in letters to friends and relatives, with the sacred
charge, "care for and watch out for our loved ones if
wounded." From all quarters of the Confederacy wives
followed their husbands to the scene of action. Every
available house, public and private, was sought for by the
refugees in the city.

To these strangers in a strange land it had been a trial
of no slight moment to listen to those death-dealing
monsters and know that a dear one's life was at stake.

Ah, yes; this battle had thrilled the city to its center.
Richmond authorities were unprepared for so extraordi
nary a call upon their accommodations. Buildings were
hastily fitted up with the barest of comforts; medical and
all other stores were inadequate to the demand. The
doctors were employed day and night. The women, young
and old, volunteered their services as nurses. In every
house soups and other delicacies were made for the
wounded. Though much suffering was in a measure
mitigated, many a precious life, which otherwise might
have been saved, was lost for want of ordinary attention.

For days and nights wagons and ambulances never
ceased to empty their wretched loads before the doors of
each of these hastily improvised hospitals until the build
ings overflowed with maimed humanity. There was not an
empty store in which rude pallets were not strewn over
the floor and counter. In the dressing of the wounds —
rough it must have seemed, in spite of every effort to
make it gentle — the racking of quivering nerves passed all
bounds of patient endurance. Screams of agony would
sometimes break out upon the open air with startling
emphasis.

SEVEN PINES. 173

Here was a poor fellow being taken from an ambulance,
with an arm shot so nearly off that it needed only the
knife to finish the work; another with a mangled leg. It
were better to look away from such a piteous spectacle.
Here a boy with his face so torn by a shell that his mother
would not have recognized him, and there, a dying soldier,
his countenance already pallid in the fast-coming chill of
death. "And this one is dead; died on the way," they
said as they lifted a corpse from the wagon, while the
passer-by, grown rapidly familiar with such fearful sights,
glanced hastily and passed on.

So the long procession of wounded, nearly five thou
sand, youngboys, middle-aged and white-haired men, from
the private to the highest ranks, hurt in every conceivable
manner, suffering in every way; parched, feverish, ago
nized, wearing a look of mute agony no words may
describe, or else lapsed into a fortunate unconsciousness,
wended their way to the hospitals.

There went men from every State, pouring out blood
like water and offering up lives of sacrifice for the cause
they had espoused. No city in the world was sadder than
our Richmond in those days. All the miseries and woes
of Seven Pines had been emptied into her fair homes and
streets. She had " no language but a cry," an exceedingly
bitter cry, that rose in its might to God on high "if the
heavens were not brass."

As you walked the streets some scene to make the
heart ache would be enacted before your eyes. The dreaded
ambulance might draw up before some residence whose
doors would open to receive a burden borne in tenderly,
brother, son, or husband. There would gather hastily on
the steps members of the family to receive him, dead or
hurt.

From some wife, sister, or mother you heard words of

174 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

tenderest meaning, or bitterest weeping, or scream of
agony as you passed along; or it might be that you caught
only a look of mute despair as if she had turned to stone,
for we take such things differently, we women.

Black waved its sad signal from door to door. It was
no unusual thing to see four or five funeral processions at
the same time on their way to the city of the dead.

People realized with a sudden shock the actualities of
an internecine strife; it was brought to their very doors.
Before they had seen only its pride and pomp, and its
martial showing. They had heard only the rattling of
artillery over the stony streets, and the tread of passing
columns. All at once, with the sound of hostile guns,
gaunt, grim-visaged war touched their hearts and sickened
their souls with horror.

It rendered them more determined, more earnest, more
sincere. It made them feel that it was time to perform
their part of the great tragedy, and not waste the hours
in light comedy, vain regrets, or childish longings. In one
day Richmond was changed from a mirth-loving, pleasure-
seeking place, into a city of resolute men and women,
nerved to make any sacrifice for their cause.

CHAPTER XXI.

GAINES'S MILL.

Lee's army on June 25, 1862, received orders to cook
three days' rations, draw eighty rounds of ammunition,
and be ready to march at sound of the bugle.

Richmond at that time had but few, and very imper
fect, fortifications. The Federals had already sent up two
of their gunboats as far as Drury's Bluff and, though
they had been repulsed, great fear for the safety of the
city was felt by all. Congress, then in session, was dis
cussing the propriety of its evacuation.

Consequently, the success of the Confederates in the
battles of Williamsburg and Seven Pines, though not so
brilliant as some subsequent ones, was of great moment
to them, not only in its moral effect, but in preventing
McClellan's immediate approach to Richmond.

Pickett's brigade was increased after these battles by
Colonel William D. Stuart's Fifty-sixth Virginia Regi
ment, temporarily commanded by its lieutenant-colonel,
Peyton Slaughter. The regiment was greatly depleted in
numbers, having belonged to the Army of the West, and
been cut up at Fort Donelson.

General Joseph E. Johnston was severely wounded in
the battle of Seven Pines, and General Robert E. Lee
for the first time personally assumed command of the
army.

Anxiety was felt for the safety of Richmond. Mc-
Clellan was threatening it from the north side of the
Chickahominy. Lee's plan was to send Jackson down

175

i;6 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Iff

the valley of the Shenandoah toward Washington, attract
ing the attention of the Federal forces to that quarter,
while he secretly instructed Jackson to co-operate with
him upon McClellan's right flank.

Two hours before daybreak on the 26th of June,
Pickett's brigade was ordered out of its cantonments on
the Williamsburg road, and before daylight was on the
Mechanicsville turnpike leading northward out of Rich
mond. In the afternoon of the same day General A. P.
Hill's division set in motion Lee's plan of attack upon
McClellan, crossing the Chickahominy by the Meadow
Bridge road and Mechanicsville turnpike, and capturing
by sundown McClellan's right position at Mechanicsville.

That evening Pickett's brigade crossed the Chicka
hominy and bivouacked on their arms in front of Mechan
icsville. Between half past two and three o'clock next
morning the attack was recommenced, General Lee driv
ing the Federals before him till he reached Ellyson's
Mill, a strongly fortified point, which Lee carried with
considerable loss.

McClellan then continued his retreat, burning and de
stroying everything of any value that could not be carried
away, until he reached Watts's Farm, a wonderful natural,
as well as improved, stronghold, known also by the names
of Gaines's Mill and Cold Harbor. There was fought the
greatest battle of the war up to that time — the battle of
Gaines's Mill, so called because a mill of that name was
near the central point of attack.

The great stage-painter, Nature, had never arranged
a more picturesque scene for a battle than that which
was set for Gaines's Mill, one of the most awful contests
of the Civil War. It was an undulating plain, gracefully
rising into gentle swells, crowned by dense growths of
trees.

G AMES'S MILL. 1 77

It terminated in a tall cliff, a great rounded mass of
rock, which had been hurled from its native bed so many
centuries before as to be now covered with a large forest.
This cliff furnished a position which seemed to ensure
victory to that leader who should be so fortunate, or so
wise, as to gain this point of vantage.

It was here that General George B. McClellan, the
astute engineer, brilliant but most unfortunate of military
leaders, recognizing at once the natural advantages and
strength of the position from which the battle was to be
fought, elected to make his stand. The position was
formidable in itself, and his clever corps of engineers
soon made it almost impregnable.

Directly in front of the cliff, separated from it by a
deep gorge, was a low, level field of about eight hundred
acres. This field was partly covered with a heavy crop
of oats which, together with a rank natural growth of
broom-sedge, afforded concealment to McClellan's sharp
shooters and lines of skirmishers.

The Confederates, in order to make an attack upon the
stronghold on which McClellan stood at bay, were obliged
to advance over this field, a distance of about six hundred
yards, in direct line of approach. The cliff was defended by
three tiers of field artillery and a heavy infantry support.

The battle was fought June 27, 1862. It was the turn
ing-point of the Seven Days' Battles around Richmond.
For months " On to Richmond" had been the war-cry of
the Federals. No event of the memorable campaign
which had followed that slogan was more important in
its results than this desperate conflict.

Pickett's brigade was ordered to the front and formed
in line of battle just under the brow of the hill, on the edge
of the field with its luxuriant covering of oats and sedge*
Kemper's brigade was stationed near Pickett's.

178 PICKET!^ AND HIS MEN. .

Jackson's column was supposed to be somewhere on
the left, though as yet nothing had been heard from him,
he having been delayed by the obstructions which the
Federals in passing had taken the precaution to put in his
way. Lee had given a general order to make an attack
in front upon hearing Jackson's musketry open upon the
enemy.

The Federal forces were under command of General
Fitz John Porter, and extended over two miles, from the
Chickahominy to Cold Harbor. Upon the dominant
points of the field he had posted sixty cannon.

Near the noon hour the battle in all its fury was on.
The hills trembled under the roar of one hundred and
twenty pieces of artillery. The plain was shrouded in
smoke so dense that the two armies were lost to view.
In these days of smokeless powder no battle-field can
equal those of the olden time in terrific majesty and mys
terious fascination. The mists which enshroud war, as
well as many other subjects, are gradually passing away,
and we are beginning to see things as they are.

The banks of the chasm which protected the Army
of the Potomac in its strong post on the cliff were
lined with serried ranks awaiting the signal for action.
Squadrons of troopers were dashing over the field; dense
columns of infantry were rushing madly into the fray;
the field was agleam with the flashing of bayonet and sword.

Through the clouds of the cannonade A. P. Hill's
division charged again and again with what a Northern
writer has called "a disregard of death never surpassed."
Out from the dells and from behind the trees the Federal
reserves rushed forth and beat them back, but not until the
foeman's ranks were thinned almost to the point of break
ing. Not a gun was left which Porter could call into
service.

GAINES'S MILL. l?g

The Federal general, Butterfield, had his horse shot
from under him, narrowly escaped a fragment of shell
that struck his hat, and had been protected from a mus
ket-ball by his sword, which was indented by the impact.
Several of his aides had been killed at his side. He con
tinued to rally his men.

Longstreet was ordered to threaten the left and thus
draw away troops from the right. Near sunset Lee sent
word to Longstreet that "all other efforts had failed and
unless he could do something the day was lost," where
upon Pickett and Anderson were ordered to assault and
Kemper was called as reserve. Whiting, having lost his
commander, Jackson, asked to be put into battle and was
placed with his and Hood's brigades on the left of Pickett
and Anderson.

Pickett directed Withers, colonel of the Eighteenth
Regiment, to throw out a line of skirmishers to feel the
enemy. Pickett had noticed that on the right of his line,
partially concealed in a clump of trees, was a force of the
Federals. He at once detached the Eighth and Eight
eenth Regiments from the right of his line, and advanced
with them in person to rout them from that point. At
this time there was no appearance or sign of the enemy
in his front. As Pickett moved out of cover with the
two regiments, commanded respectively by Eppa Hunton
and Robert E. Withers, the sudden puffs of smoke and
simultaneous sharp rifle-cracks from the field of oats and
sedge revealed to him that the enemy were not only con
cealed there, but were watching and were cognizant of his
every movement.

Pickett had temporarily charged Colonel Walter Har
rison, whom he had ordered to remain behind with the
three regiments, to execute at once the order of the com
manding general, should the signal to advance come be-

180 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. *

fore his return. Pickett had but just crossed over when
Major Sorrell, Longstreet's adjutant-general, brought the
order to advance.

The Nineteenth Regiment, commanded by Colonel
Strange, was now on the right, being the center of the
brigade. The Twenty-eighth, led by Colonel Robert T.
Preston, was next. The Fifty-sixth, under Colonel Peyton
Slaughter, was on the left. In this order the three regi
ments charged at double-quick upon the enemy's works,
in the teeth of a tempest of death-dealing projectiles of
every description, across this field of oats and sedge.

Pickett simultaneously moved down with the other
two regiments. From the extreme right the five regi
ments were again united in the center of the field, and
charged in full line of battle, brigade front, Pickett
leading his men and cheering them on. The skirmish
line was soon driven in. The fire from the Federal bat
teries and small arms was something terrific. The brigade
pushed on — on through a continuous rain of shot and the
roar of guns.

Whiting says: "The enemy, concealed in the woods
and protected by the ravine, poured a destructive fire
upon the advancing line for a quarter of a mile, and
many brave officers and men fell. Near the crest in front
of us and lying down appeared the fragments of a brigade;
men were skulking from the front in a shameful manner;
the woods on our left and rear were full of troops in safe
cover, from which they never stirred; but on the right of
the Third a brigade (Picket? s) was moving manfully up;
still further on the extreme right our troops appeared to
be falling back."

Colonel Robert E. Withers, commanding the Eight
eenth Regiment, and Colonel Peyton Slaughter, leading
the Fifty-sixth, were shot down — both mortally wounded

GAINES'S MILL. l8l

it was alleged at the time. Though their lives were
spared, it was their last battle. They were too badly
wounded ever to return to the service. So terrific was
the fusillade, so incessant, so concentrated, and at such
close range, that the escape of any one of them seemed
miraculous.

Once the brave old brigade wavered under the heavy
fire upon its shattered, depleted ranks. It was just be
fore they reached the deep ravine, and then only for a
moment, for at this crisis R. H. Anderson came up with
his brave South Carolina brigade. With the rebel yell
mingling with the death-sounds and echoing and rever
berating, these two brigades, Pickett's and Anderson's,
rushed together into the ravine and charged the death-
dealing batteries and infantry that crowned the cliff.
Straight up they dashed against a storm of shot and
shell, not once faltering before the deadly rain that beat
upon them.

They had almost reached the reserve when a cavalry
charge descended upon them.

Of this charge the Prince de Joinville, who was serving
on the staff of McClellan, says: "I saw the troopers
draw their swords with the sudden and electrical im
pulse of determination and devotion. As they got into
motion I asked a young officer the name of his regiment.
'The Fifth Cavalry,' he replied, brandishing his saber
with a soldier's pride in his regiment. Unfortunate young
man! I saw the same regiment the next day. From the
charge of that evening but two officers had returned.
He was not one of them."

Pickett was shot from his horse, leading and cheering
on his men — his shoulder pierced by a Minie-ball. He
paused but for a moment, then pressed forward on foot,
still leading his brigade, waving his cap and cheering his

1 82 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

men, his arm hanging limp and helpless at his side — his
well-trained, almost human, battle-horse following as
closely and circumspectly behind as if the lame, shot arm,
strong and well, had held the rein and led him on.

Though the charge was repelled the check had given
the artillery time to open a fire which for a time made
gaps in the lines of the assailants. The gunners, however,
soon abandoned their guns and fled, leaving twenty-two
pieces as Confederate prizes. The horses had all been
either killed or so badly wounded that they had to be
killed.

General Randolph, at that time the Confederate Sec
retary of War, who, with others, viewed the scene from
an adjacent height, said that never on any battle-field
was there witnessed a more gallant action or a more
glorious sight. He not only made special mention of
General Pickett, paying him the highest encomiums, but
wrote him a most appreciative personal letter, which I
hold as a legacy for the George E. Picketts of the future.

In Whiting's report he says: " In the meantime, my
division steadily continued to advance, though suffering
terribly, until night found them completely across the
plateau and beyond the battle-field. Pickett's brigade
had ably fought on the right; the general himself was
severely wounded in the charge."

On the Cold Harbor road, Stonewall Jackson had
been engaged on the right of the Federals, and was
pressing down on their flank. McClellan, the clever en
gineer, the clean-hearted man and fearless soldier, fiercely
attacked thus in front and flank, was forced from his
stronghold and driven into the Chickahominy swamp.
Under the cover of the darkness he made his way out,
which would have been impossible, had he not, with his
foresight and training in military engineering, corduroyed

GAINES'S MILL. 183

and trestle-bridged the otherwise swampy streams and
swales and bogs.

Porter's troops were saved from a disorderly rout by
the valor of the brigades of French and Meaghef, who
arrived as Porter was retreating, and held the crest under
a storm of shells and balls.

Colonel R. Estvan, of the Confederate cavalry, says:
" A Federal brigade, commanded by Meagher, and consist
ing chiefly of Irishmen, offered the most heroic resistance.
After a severe struggle our men gave way, and retired in
great disorder. At this critical moment, foaming at his
mouth with rage, and without his hat, General Cobb has
tened up, sword in hand, with his legion and renewed the
attack. But the efforts of these troops were in vain.
The brave Irishmen held their ground with a determina
tion which excited the admiration even of our own offi
cers."

Porter's troops, exhausted by the long fight, threw
themselves upon the ground to rest, while French and
Meagher's heroic six thousand kept guard in front.

Night gloomed over the awful field of death — a night
of horrible darkness. The silence was no longer disturbed
by the battle-thunder, but it was yet more agonizingly
broken by the sounds of unutterable suffering.

Colonel Estvan writes: "In bygone days I had been
on many a battle-field in Italy and Hungary; but I confess
that I never witnessed so pitiable a picture of human
slaughter and horrible suffering."

Lee in hot pursuit the next morning followed McClel-
lan with his whole force, including the remnant of Pick-
ett's brigade.

There could probably never be a sadder commentary
on the horrors of warfare than the true history of the re
treat of McClellan's army to the protection of the gun-

1 84 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •.

boats on the James River. If any mind, possessed of a
germ of humanity, could realize the terrors of that death-
march, it would never again be able to contemplate the
possibility of war without a shudder of revulsion. All
the ambulances which could be obtained were filled with
wounded, and those for whom there was no place were
left to die upon the field or by the roadside, or to be car
ried off as prisoners. Gentle death, kinder far than life,
came with each hour to relieve some sufferer of the pain
which had become insupportable. Many, overcome by
the heat, fell by the way, raving deliriously.

At the White House the retreating army burned its
stores to prevent their falling into the hands of the pur
suers. There was but little rescued from the flaming pile
of Federal provisions, and the only prize which fell into
the hands of the Confederates was a load of overcoats,
which they stored away for cold weather.

At Savage Station hundreds of barrels of provisions
were piled up into pyramids and devoted to the flames.
It was not so easy to get rid of powder and shells to pre
vent their being used against their former owners. They
were put into a train of cars and fired and the cars sent
on their flaming way, the powder and shells exploding
and sending out the most brilliant pyrotechnic displays,
like a traveling Fourth of July celebration.

Here occurred perhaps one of the saddest scenes of
the whole war, if in such a succession of horrors there can
be any one event surpassing all the rest in sorrowfulness.
It was here determined that the safety of the army re
quired the abandoning of the sick and wounded. It was
not possible to convey them along that difficult march,
halting by the way to fight the pursuers. Then followed
parting of father from son, of brother from brother, of
friend from friend, with no hope of any future meeting.

GAINES'S MILL. 1 85

In Richmond every hospital was filled with our
wounded, and two hundred unfortunate sufferers taken
by Colonel Estvan into the city were, in the first moments
of confusion and dismay, obliged to be sheltered in an
open warehouse until such time as the friendly doors of
the private homes could be opened to supplement the
overcrowded hospitals.

As soon, however, as the good people of Richmond
realized the sad condition of these brave men, who, in de
fense of the beautiful homes in the capital city, had suf
fered "hunger, thirst, heat, and faced death in its most
fearful form/' they were unsparing in their efforts to al
leviate their miseries and to give them every comfort
within their power.

This fight, the battle of Gaines's Mill, was altogether
decisive of McClellan's change of base. The loss was
heavy, and nothing but the courage and valor of Pickett
and Anderson and their brave Virginians and South
Carolinians could have won the fight.

Hood's gallant Texas brigade distinguished them
selves upon the right flank of McClellan's position, but
they did not pass over the bloody field. That attack in
front at Gaines's Mill was made by George E. Pickett's
and R. H. Anderson's brigades alone.

General Longstreet, in a letter to General Robert E.
Lee, written a year after the close of the war, says of this
battle:

There is one portion of our record as written that I should like cor
rected — the battle of Gaines's Mill. Your report of that battle does not
recognize the fact that the line in my front, that is, the enemy's line,
was broken by the troops that were under my orders and handling. A
part of Jackson's command, being astray, reported to me just as I was
moving my column of attack forward — Whiting's division — and I put it
in my column of attack, as stated in my report. I think that you must
have overlooked my report on this point, and have been guided by

1 86 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

Jackson's. Jackson knew nothing of the matter of my having his troops,.
I suppose, and merely made his report from riding over the ground after
the battle. I presume that he was not within one mile of the division
when I put it in, and had no idea of its whereabouts. General Whiting
reported to me that he had lost his way, and did not know where to find
General Jackson, and offered his troops if I had use for them. I was
then moving to assault, and put Whiting in a little behind Pickett's
brigade. The commands made the assault together, and broke the
enemy's line. Anderson's brigade followed and secured it, the assault
ing columns being somewhat broken in making the charge. Just after
breaking his lines the enemy made a severe attack, and would have re
covered his position, I think, but for the timely support of Anderson's
and Kemper's brigades at this point. Another fact should not be lost
sight of in this connection. A. P. Hill had made several formidable at
tacks at the same point, and had fought manfully against it for several
hours, and though not entirely successful, he must have made a decided
impression, and have injured the enemy as much as he was himself in
jured, and thus weakened the enemy's lines so as to enable us to break
them. It is quite common to give those credit only who show results,
but it frequently happens, as in this case, that there are others who
merit as much who are not known by results — that is, who are not seen
by others than those on the ground.

General Pickett was severely wounded, and was kept
out of the field until September of that year, when he
joined his brigade at Martinsburg, Virginia, though even
then he was unable to wear the sleeve of his coat upon
that arm.

Immediately upon his return to the field General
Pickett was assigned to the command of a division, and
on the 10th of October, 1862, was promoted major-general.

CHAPTER XXII.
FRAZIER'S FARM.

General Pickett's severe wound necessarily obliging
him to leave the field after the battle of Gaines's Mill,
June 27, 1862, the command of Pickett's brigade devolved
for a few days upon Colonel Eppa Hunton, of the Eighth
Regiment, in spite of his ill health at that time.

On the 3Oth of June the battle of Frazier's Farm (Glen-
dale) was fought. It began with an artillery duel between
Jackson and Franklin, during the progress of which Long-
street's division was drawn up in line of battle, waiting for
Jackson to cross the White Oak swamp, and for Huger
to come up along the Charles City road. Jackson not be
ing able to cross the swamp, and Huger being detained
down the road by Slocum's battery, they did not reach
the field as expected.

Hearing the sound of cannon toward the Charles City
road, Longstreet supposed that Huger was approaching,
and returned the supposed signal. This drew fire from
the Federal batteries, which barely missed President Davis,
who had come upon the field to consult with his generals.
As the President was not prepared to take an active part
in the fight, he was carried off with all possible speed to a
place of safety.

Colonel Jenkins, with his battalion of sharpshooters,
being nearest the impetuous battery, was ordered to
silence it. As half-way measures did not lie within the
possibilities of the dashing Jenkins, he charged upon and
captured the offending battery, and the battle was opened.

187

1 88 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

Pickett's brigade, under command of Hunton, was
brought up in line of battle, where it was exposed to a
furious cannonade. Hunton becoming separated from
his command because of exhaustion, consequent upon
his feeble condition, Colonel John B. Strange, of the
Nineteenth Virginia, took command, and under his leader
ship the brigade charged upon and captured a battery,
which was afterward turned with good effect upon its
former owners.

Longstreet had been sustaining the attack of McCall,
Sedgwick, Kearny, Slocum and Hooker, in the expecta
tion that Huger would attack the Federal right and Jack
son come up in the rear, while Hill was to bring fresh
troops in support. As neither Jackson nor Huger ap
peared, Hill was called to relieve Longstreet, and together
they held the ground until night came to close the con
test.

McCall endeavored to recover his lost ground, but was
separated from his command in the dusk, and was captured
by the Forty-seventh Virginia Regiment, led by Colonel
Robert Mayo. Longstreet says of this general: "He
was more tenacious of his battle than any one who came
within my experience during the war, if I except D. H.
Hill at Sharpsburg."

The next day, meeting Surgeon Maish, of McCall's
division, who had remained upon the field to tend the
wounded, Longstreet said: "Well, McCall is safe in
Richmond, and if his division had not offered the stub
born resistance it did on this road, we would have captured
your whole army. Never mind; we will do it yet."

It was in this fight at Frazier's Farm, three days after
the battle of Gaines's Mill, in which General Pickett had
been wounded, that his only brother, his plucky, fear
less assistant adjutant-general, Major Charles Pickett,

FRAZIER'S FARM, 189

was almost fatally wounded. Though Major Pickett nar
rowly escaped death, and reported for duty at a period
far in advance of the expectation of the most sanguine of
those who knew of his terrible wound, he was made lame
for life.

Major Pickett and Captain W. Stuart Symington, aide-
de-camp, volunteered on Hunton's staff for the finish of
the seven days' fight, notwithstanding Pickett's order that
both should report to him in Richmond, as members of
his personal staff, which order they disobeyed.

Captain Symington was the only officer who went into
the battle mounted. His horse was shot seven times, and
finally killed under him.

For his brave and meritorious action in this battle at
Frazier's Farm, Major Charles Pickett received not only
the highest praise from his comrades, but favorable official
mention from his ranking officers. In his report of the
battle Colonel Strange says:

I would also bring to your notice the name of Captain Charles Pickett,
assistant adjutant-general, who acted with the most conspicuous gal
lantry, carrying a flag by my side at the head of the brigade on foot (hav
ing lost his horse) and urging forward — all the time forward — until shot
down seriously wounded, and then begging those who went to bear him
off the field to leave him and go to the front if they could not bear him
off conveniently, but to leave him his flag, which he still held, and let
him die there under its folds.

" The battle the little major fought down at Frazier's
Farm," the soldiers called it at the time, and they still
cherish in their hearts the glorious memory of that bril
liant fight.

Major Pickett was the best loved officer in the brigade,
and every soldier there would willingly have followed
him to death.

Happily, the major did not die under the flag he so

IQO PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

loved that death would have been welcome if sheltered
by its folds. He yet lives to gladden the hearts of his
comrades by the touch of his friendly hand and the sound
of the voice which cheered them on to valiant deeds in
the old heroic days.

At the battle of Malvern Hill Pickett's brigade, with
the rest of Longstreet's corps, was held in reserve. This
was the last of the Seven Days' Battles, which had resulted,
as General Lee, in his return of thanks to his army, July
7, expressed it, in "the relief of Richmond from a state
of siege; the rout of the great army that so long menaced
its safety; the taking of many thousand prisoners, includ
ing officers of high rank; the capture or destruction of
stores to the value of millions; and the acquisition of
thousands of arms and forty pieces of superior artillery."

CHAPTER XXIII.

SECOND MANASSAS.

Some one has said that the first battle of Bull Run gave
such great satisfaction to the audience that an encore was
demanded. The Federal government prepared for a suc
cessful repetition of the piece as first presented by assign
ing General Pope to the command of the newly formed
Army of Virginia, thereby securing his services as lead
ing man, and appointing Halieck general-in-chief of the
Federal armies, thus making him stage-manager. These
preliminary arrangements were completed in the latter
part of June, and near the close of August the cur
tain rose upon the second presentation of that martial
drama.

On the 22d of August, the dashing Stuart effected his
bold ride around the lines of Pope, and secured the papers
which revealed to Lee the intended movements of his op
ponent,* and Lee's line of march was modified in accord
ance with that information. He divided his army and
sent part of it under Jackson to cut off Pope from Wash
ington.

Pickett's brigade, under the leadership of Eppa Hun-
ton, was a part of Longstreet's corps which held Water
loo Bridge against Pope while Jackson crossed the Rap-
pahannock. Having safely passed the river, Jackson

* Among the articles taken from Pope's tent was a sword, belonging
to him. I have just this moment (November 24, 1898) laid my hand on
this weapon — a reminder of Pope's boasts of prowess — in the home
of my friend, Dr. J. B. Hodgkin, of Virginia.

191

I Q2 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

encamped on the night of the 25th near Salem, and on
the next day passed the Bull Run mountains through
Thoroughfare Gap and in the evening was at Bristoe Sta
tion between Pope and the Federal capital. With him
were the cavalry brigades of Robertson and Fitzhugh Lee,
led by J. E. B. Stuart. From here he sent a detachment
to capture supplies at Manassas Junction, taking posses
sion of a large number of prisoners, horses and tents, and
great quantities of stores. All the supplies which could
not be used were burned. A force which was sent to
recapture them was repulsed, and their leader, General
Taylor, mortally wounded.

Jackson went on to Manassas Junction and left Ewell's
division with the Fifth Virginia Cavalry at Bristoe Sta
tion, where they repelled a Federal attack. New troops
arriving, it became evident tha.t Pope had learned the
situation and had directed his whole force against Jack
son. Ewell then drew back and rejoined Jackson at
Manassas Junction and they withdrew west of the War-
renton and Alexandria turnpike to unite with the ap
proaching force of Longstreet.

On the 28th, the divisions of Hill, Ewell and Taliaferro
halted near the old battle-field of Bull Run. The Fed
erals, moving down toward Alexandria, were attacked by
Jackson and driven back. Among the wounded were
Major-General Ewell, who lost a leg, and Brigadier-
General Taliaferro.

Longstreet had followed on after Jackson, being de
tained upon the way by demonstrations of Federal cavalry,
he having no cavalry with which to reconnoiter. When
he reached Thoroughfare Gap he found it strongly de
fended, and was forced to fight his way through.

At ten o'clock the next morning the Federal artillery
opened upon Jackson's right, the design being to destroy

SECOND MAN ASS AS. 1 93

him before the arrival of Longstreet. When that officer
reached the field he was placed on the right of Jackson.
Pickett's brigade was on Longstreet's right, with the re
mainder of Kemper's division. It was one of the brigades
supporting the advance of Hood and Evans, which re
sulted in the victory for that day, a piece of artillery,
several regimental standards, and a number of prisoners
being taken.

The morning of the 3<Dth was given to a heavy artillery
combat between Colonel S. D. Lee, and the Federal artil
lery, in which Colonel Lee was as successful as he had
been on the previous day.

In the afternoon Pickett's brigade was a part of the
force which received and repelled the onset of Fitz John
Porter. In the magnificent charge which finally cleared
the field and won victory for the Confederate arms,
Pickett's men proved their valor as loyally as they had
done when they followed their own leader, who was far
away, his gallant soul chafing under the sad necessity
which kept him off the field.

Lee again sent Jackson to secure a position between
Pope and the capital, but Pope, having foreseen this
movement, fell back to Chantilly, where he was attacked
by Jackson on the 1st of September. Here the Federal
army lost the brilliant general, Philip Kearny, who rode
within the Confederate lines and was shot in attempting
to escape.

Kearny had been a Chasseur d'Afrique in Algeria,
where his bravery won for him the cross of the Legion
of Honor. He had lost an arm at the siege of Mexico.
He had fought with the French army in the bathes of
Magenta and Solferino, and had again received from
Emperor Napoleon III. the decoration of the Legion of
Honor.

194 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

He was an old comrade of Lee in the United States
army, and the day after the battle the Confederate leader
sent his body under a flag of truce to General Pope,
thinking, as he said in a kind note, that it might be a con
solation to his family.

Thus is the battle-field sometimes glorified by the
gentleness of the truly chivalrous heart.

CHAPTER XXIV.

ANTIETAM.

General Lee, having won the second battle of Ma-
nassas, pushed on into Maryland with his whole army,
arriving at Frederick City on the 8th of September. The
next day he issued Order No. 191, afterward known as
the " Lost Order."

This order directed Jackson to go through Sharpsburg,
cross the Potomac, capture Martinsburg, and help take
Harper's Ferry. Longstreet was to remain at Boonsboro
with the trains. McLaws was to station his command on
the heights of Harper's Ferry and capture the force in
the town, assisted by Walker, and guarded in the rear by
D. H. Hill. After these movements had been effected the
commands were to meet again at Boonsboro or Hagers-
town.

This was a well-laid plan, and Lee had carefully pre
pared the order for the guidance of his own generals and
not for the instruction of the Federal commander. A
copy was sent from headquarters to D. H. Hill who, hav
ing been transferred to Jackson's command, received his
order from the hand of his new chief. The copy which
was intended for him served the useful purpose of a cigar-
wrapper until it chanced to be left behind in camp, where
it was found by a prowling Federal soldier. On the
morning of September I3th it was placed in the hands
of McClellan, and in the afternoon he was on the way
to the pass in South Mountain on the Boonsboro and
Fredericksburg road.

195

196 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Franklin's corps was ordered to pass through Cramp-
ton's Gap and attack McLaws, thereby relieving Harper's
Ferry, while Burnside, with the commands of Reno and
Hooker were sent to Turner's Gap, the second of the two
principal roads through the South Mountain. A North
ern writer has said of this movement that it "was quick
for McClellan but not quite quick enough for the emer
gency." He did not reach the passes until the morning of
the I4th, when Jackson was already knocking vigorously
at the gates of Harper's Ferry, supported on the right by
Walker and on the left by McLaws and R. H. Anderson,
having sent A. P. Hill with his division to Martinsburg.

Lee had learned of McClellan's movement and had or
dered Hill to guard Turner's Gap, supported by Long-
street, who was recalled from Hagerstown for the pur
pose. On the long, hot march Longstreet had lost half
his number from exhaustion.

Pickett's brigade, led by General Garnett, had been
marched and countermarched under conflicting orders
until, after twenty-three miles of wearisome effort, it
reached the battle, exhausted, having lost heavily on the
way. It took position under a heavy fire of artillery
which opened upon it as soon as it came in sight. Upon
gaining its post it was immediately attacked by a force
many times as great as its own. Under the fierce assault
the left fell back. The right being unsupported, was
forced to retire, when the contest was renewed in the
rear, but the darkness prevented objects from being dis
tinguishable. As Jenkins advanced to the attack, Garnett
was ordered to bring off his brigade. He had been in
command only a few days.

In his report Garnett says: "We have to mourn in
this action many of our companions as killed and
wounded, who go to swell the list of noble martyrs who

ANTIETAM. IQ7

have suffered in our just cause. It was my lot to be ac
quainted with but one of the officers who fell on this oc
casion, Colonel John B. Strange, Nineteenth Virginia
Volunteers. His tried valor on other fields, and heroic
conduct in animating his men to advance upon the enemy,
with his latest breath, and after he had fallen mortally
wounded, will secure imperishable honor for his name
and memory."

Captain Brown, of Colonel Strange's regiment, says:
"In this engagement Colonel J. B. Strange fell, seriously
wounded, and in the retreat was left behind. His voice
was heard after he had received his wound, urging his
men to stand firmly, and he commanded with that cool
ness and daring that is found only in the truly brave."

In this contest at Turner's Gap the command of Reno,
one of the finest officers on the Union side, met the
brigade of our gallant and brilliant General Garland, and
both leaders were killed. Among the wounded was Lieu
tenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes, commanding the
Twenty-third Ohio, who received a rifle-ball in his arm.

The fight at Crampton's Gap between a part of Mc-
Laws's forces with Stuart's cavalry and Franklin's com
mand had taken place at the same time. At nightfall
Franklin's banner waved from the crest above Crampton's
Gap, and Lee ordered the withdrawal of his troops from
Turner's Gap and their removal to Sharpsburg. The
battle was lost, but the delay suffered by McClellan in
winning it had enabled Jackson to take possession of
Harper's Ferry. At noon of the next day Lee received
the following note from Jackson: "Through God's bless
ing, Harper's Ferry and its garrison are to be surren
dered."

At that moment Lee resolved to stand and meet the
enemy at Sharpsburg.

igS PICKET T AND HIS MEN.

Had Lee made a battle-field for himself he probably
could not have constructed a more desirable one than
that which he had chosen. In the front was a gentle rise
and fall like the graceful undulations of a sea in a calm.
In the rear rose the hills, crest upon crest, as if nature in
martial mood might have formed them with an eye to the
location of artillery. Ridges swelled here and there, to
afford hiding-places for reserves. The short line of the
Confederates across the angle of the Antietam and Po
tomac facilitated reinforcement at any point.

The sluggish little Antietam, coming down from the
hills of Pennsylvania, is crossed by four stone bridges —
the upper one on the Keedysville and Williamsport road;
the second on the Keedysville and Sharpsburg turnpike,
two and a half miles below; the third about a mile below
the second, on the Rohrersville and Sharpsburg road;
the fourth near the mouth of Antietam Creek, on the
road from Harper's Ferry to Sharpsburg, three miles
below the third.

Lee's line of battle was ranged along Sharpsburg
Heights, the cavalry and horse artillery near the eastern
bend of the Potomac. Single batteries were posted along
the line and below the crest of the heights, and the Wash
ington Artillery was on Longstreet's right. When Jack
son arrived from Harper's Ferry with his division and
Ewell's, he was posted west of the Hagerstown turnpike.
Walker was stationed with his two brigades to the right
of Longstreet.

When Pickett's brigade, led by Garnett, reached the
field, it was posted under a heavy fire on the southeast of
Sharpsburg in a hollow at the rear of the Washington
Artillery to support some batteries. Here it was for some
hours exposed to a severe fire of shot and shell, losing a
number of its men.

ANTIETAM. 1 99

McClellan's advance was delayed by a meeting with
Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry. When he reached the field he
placed his batteries near the center and massed his corps
on both sides of the Sharpsburg turnpike. Four batteries
were on the height above Antietam at the right; on the
crest near the third bridge, afterward known as the Burn-
side Bridge, were Weed's and Benjamin's guns. Between
these points were ten or more batteries.

On the Hagerstown road was a chapel known as Dunker
Church. West of this church Hood was placed to defend
the road, supported by S. D. Lee's artillery, to the east
and beyond the road. North of the church was a field of
corn turning golden in the warm sunlight. All around
grew the soft grass, green and beautiful, on the banks of
the life-giving river. Beyond were the cool shades of the
East Wood. On the west of the road was the West Wood,
a towering forest of oaks. On the western side of the
turnpike, its left sheltered by the West Wood, was the
Stonewall division under D. R. Jones.

McClellan's Ninth Corps under Cox was stationed with
Burnside on the left at Burnside Bridge. Hooker, with
the First Corps, was on the right. At two o'clock Hooker
crossed the creek at Williamsport Bridge and attacked
Longstreet's left brigades. As he advanced to the charge,
his muskets flashing brilliantly in the last rays of the sun,
he was received and repelled by Hood and the batteries
of S. D. Lee. When the crossing of Hooker was reported
to General Lee, he sent Jackson to command the entire
battle of the left wing.

At the East Wood Hooker's skirmishers met McLaw's
veterans and were driven back to the edge of the wood.
As they retired the curtain of night fell slowly over the
scene and the soft rain descended, as if nature, with gentle
hand, would wash away the stains of war.

200 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

The 1 7th of September, 1862, makes its crimson mark
upon the page of history as the bloodiest day yet of the long
struggle between North and South. Of the conflict which
raged on the banks of the Antietam on that gloomy day
McClellan telegraphed to Halleck: " We are in the midst
of the most terrible battle of the war, perhaps of history."

The little stream of Antietam, meandering drowsily
between its grass-grown banks, started to sudden life with
the tide of brave hot blood which flowed into it, and went
rushing on its way to the sea as impetuously as if the
blood of North and South were even yet waging tempest
uous warfare.

In the night, McClellan had ordered Mansfield to cross
by the upper bridge to support Hooker's attack upon
Jackson. At early dawn the assault was made, assisted
by Doubleday, who swept down the Hagerstown turnpike
and struck the center of Jackson's division.

Across the river, to and fro the guns hurled their deadly
missiles, and space was filled with flying balls and frag
ments of shell, and heavy clouds of smoke, and the air
was shivered with the thunderous reports.

Jones, who led the Stonewall division, was wounded,
and the command devolved upon Starke, who in a short
time was killed. Grigsby sprang to the command, rallied
the men, and dashed upon Doubleday, who retreated.
The Federal lines were several times repulsed, but were
heavily reinforced and flung themselves so impetuously
upon Jackson that his forces fell back and took a strong
post in the rear.

The corn-field which had been so beautiful in the Sep
tember sun shook under the fearful storm that swept over
it, and its promise of golden harvest went down forever
under the rush of murderous feet.

Lawton, leading Ewell's division, was wounded, and

ANTIETAM 2OI

most of the field-officers were killed or wounded. As
Lawton was carried off the field, Hood's brigades came
dashing up from the church, leaving their half-cooked
breakfast to the tender mercies of the camp-fire. At the
same time three of D. H. Hill's brigades came through
the Confederate center and attacked Ricketts.

Before this onslaught Hooker retreated to the protec
tion of his guns, leaving about one-fourth of his men on
the field. Mansfield led out his two divisions in an effort
to regain the ground which Hooker had lost. The battle
in the corn raged anew and Mansfield went to swell the
roll of the fallen.

Early, who had taken the place of the wounded Law-
ton, held the position left vacant by Jackson's division,
which had been withdrawn at seven o'clock. Hood,
who had returned to the field, joined with Early and held
the ground under a heavy fire of a force far greater than
their own.

At half past eight Sumner crossed the Antietam and en
tered East Wood, followed by Sedgwick. As he turned with
his six thousand toward the West Wood, he was met by a
storm of shells from Stuart's guns and a shower of canister
from Jackson's batteries. Behind the ledges of rock stood
Grigsby and his three hundred, and from their points of
vantage they held Sumner in check until his way to de
struction was prepared. Hood's division had been shat
tered, but McLaws had reached the field and, with Ander
son and Walker, came to the support of Grigsby and
Early, and Sumner was swept away in a storm of fire.

This was followed by a heavy attack on the center,
which was hurled back by G. B. Anderson and Rodes, of
D. H. Hill's division, and part of Walker's command, with
a few pieces of artillery. French's brigades took refuge
behind the crest of a hill from which they kept up a des-

202 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

•
ultory fire. An attack by Richardson was then repulsed.

Through mistake, Rodes's brigade was withdrawn from
position and the Federals took advantage of the gap thus
formed to break through G. B. Anderson's line, Anderson
being mortally wounded. General R. H. Anderson and
General Wright were also wounded and taken from the
field.

The object of all this display by Hooker was to enable
Burnside to effect a crossing at the Rohrersville turnpike,
over the bridge since known as " Burnside's Bridge," op
posite the right wing of Longstreet. The western end of
this bridge was held by Toombs with three Georgia regi
ments and one of Jenkins's South Carolina regiments,
supported by batteries stationed among the trees.

Upon this bridge Sturgis led a bayonet charge, sup
ported by a heavy cannonade, but was forced to retreat
by the concentrated fire of Longstreet's gun and the rifles.
There were just six hundred of Toombs's gallant riflemen,
brave as the dashing six hundred who have charged down
the highway of history ever since Balaklava, and four
times they sent the storming party back across the east
end of the bridge. There was a sheltered ford below the
bridge, and Rodman's division made a double-quick charge
across it and reached the west bank. This rendered the
position at the bridge untenable, and a little later Burn-
side's corps crossed the bridge and climbed the heights,
attacking Longstreet and driving back the brigades of
Drayton, Kemper and Garnett ( Pickett's brigade). Jones's
division broke and retreated to Sharpsburg.

Burnside had been successful against Longstreet, but
A. P. Hill came upon the field with three thousand four
hundred men ready to descend upon Burnside's brigades,
notwithstanding a march of seven hours, in which time
they had made seventeen miles. A flood of fire poured.

ANTIETAM. 203

from the batteries on the height and the Federals re
treated to their guns on the other side of the Antietam.

When night brought silence to this terrible field of
the Civil War, Mclntosh's battery, taken when A. P. Hill
first arrived upon the scene, had been regained, and the
ground lost by Longstreet had been recovered.

When Pickett's brigade had been for some hours in
rear of the artillery it was ordered forward to the crest of
the hill to dislodge the Federal skirmishers and protect
the artillery eastward. Shortly after, S. D. Lee's battalion
took the place of the Washington Artillery, and the Fifty-
sixth Regiment under Captain McPhail, Colonel William
D. Stuart being ill, was sent back to protect the move
ment.

When Burnside crossed the river the brigade again
took position in front in a corn-field, the Fifty-sixth Regi
ment being recalled to the left wing of the main body.
Here it opened fire on a large number of skirmishers and
drove them back.

From the woods of Antietam a moving wall of bayonets
bore down upon the little band. Only two hundred of
the gallant Virginians were left, but with two rifled pieces
they bravely held their ground. After an hour of heavy
work the right began to yield. A number of Federal flags
were seen upon a hill in rear of Sharpsburg, the only ave
nue of escape. Garnett, seeing that his small force was
in danger of being surrounded and captured, was forced
to withdraw it, the Nineteenth under Major Cabell halting
to protect a section of artillery. The brigade filed out
from its position of peril and passed around to the north
of the town.

The battle had been fought and lost, but it could scarcely
be said to have been won. It stopped, apparently be
cause both sides were too much exhausted to go on. Lee

204 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

had gained advantages of position, and McClellan had
lost very many men who would have been saved but for
his sending his army out in detachments to be killed in
detail, instead of subjecting Lee's army to that process, as
he had previously claimed that he would do. He had
held back all his reserves, he and Porter agreeing in the
opinion that reserves are articles of luxury not to be
utilized in the practical affairs of life.

If the battle was indecisive from a military point of
view, it had political significance of great importance. Lee
withdrew from Maryland, and Lincoln, in accordance with
his previous announcement, issued the EMANCIPATION
PROCLAMATION.

CHAPTER XXV

REORGANIZATION.

The Army of Northern Virginia had just returned from
the first Maryland campaign, greatly reduced in number,
and was falling back toward Winchester when Brigadier-
General Pickett reported for duty at Martinsburg. This
was in September, 1862, and the General was yet only able
to wear his coat across the wounded arm and shoulder,
which still caused him severe suffering.

At Martinsburg a reorganization of the army was made.
Pickett's and Kemper's Virginia brigades and Jenkins's
South Carolina brigade were consolidated into a division
and attached to Longstreet's corps. The command of the di
vision was assigned to Brigadier-General George E. Pickett.

Brigadier-General Richard B. Garnett was assigned to
Pickett's old brigade, and from this date its designation
was changed to Garnett's brigade, and it became merged
into the general record of Pickett's division. Under its
new leader it well sustained its olden glory.

In September, 1862, at Culpeper Court-house, Briga
dier-General Lewis Addison Armistead's brigade, which
had heretofore belonged to Huger's division, was assigned
to Pickett's division. This brigade had been engaged in
the second day's fight at Seven Pines, in the battles of
Malvern Hill and Sharpsburg, and had been with Lee's
army in the first Maryland campaign.

On October 10, 1862, Brigadier-General Pickett was offi
cially promoted major-general, and permanently placed in
command of Pickett's division.

205

206 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

General Pickett's staff consisted of Major Charles
Pickett, assistant adjutant-general; Lieutenant-Colonel
Walter Harrison, assistant adjutant and inspector-general;
Captain Robert Johnston, assistant adjutant-general,
colonel of cavalry, 1861 and 1862; Major Charles W.
Chancellor, chief surgeon until 1863, when Major M. M.
Lewis took his place. Major James A. McAlpine was
medical inspector from 1864 to 1865. Major R. Taylor
Scott was chief quartermaster; Major Horace W. Jones,
chief commissary; Captain David Meade, Captain Thomas
P. Wallace, Captain William B. Edmonds, assistant quar
termasters.

Captain A. W. Williams was paymaster of division
from 1864 to 1865. Captain W. Douglas Stuart was chief
engineer officer; Lieutenant John S. Morson, assistant
engineer officer; First Lieutenant Samuel G. Leitch, chief
ordnance officer, 1862 to 1864; Captain Howe P. Coch-
rane, chief ordnance officer from 1864 to 186$.

Lieutenant Edward R. Baird, Robert A. Bright and
W. Stuart Symington were aides-de-camp; Lieutenant I.
W. Gossett and F. W. Brooke, provost guard; Major Ray
mond Fairfax, chief pioneer corps; Captain Charles Floyd,
assistant quartermaster and division sutler.

The couriers and orderlies at headquarters were Messrs.
Harrie Hough, chief clerk; Richard Avery, assistant chief
clerk; Robert Hempston, Thomas R. Friend, James Ryals,
Martin Van Buren Campbell, John E. Whitlock, and
George Stultz, orderlies.

Four batteries of field artillery, under command of
Major James Dearing, were attached to Pickett's division
near the time of the battle of Fredericksburg and followed
it through the Suffolk campaign, Gettysburg, Newbern and
Plymouth, until the summer of 1864, when it was detached.
Its brilliant leader, Major Dearing, became brigadier-gen-

REORGANIZATION. 207

eral of cavalry, and fell at the head of his brigade in a
skirmish with a party of bridge-burners at the High
Bridge a few days before the surrender — said to have
been the last Confederate killed in the war.

The oldest of these batteries was the Richmond-Fay-
ette, named for Lafayette, who was visiting Richmond
when the battery was formed, May 29, 1824. In acknowl
edgment of the compliment, he presented to his name
sake battery two brass six-pounders which he had brought
to the United States during the Revolution. Colonel
John Rutherford first led the company, and it was after
ward commanded, in 1861, at the opening of tha war, by
Captain Henry Coalter Cabell. In 1861 it went to the
Peninsula under Colonel J. B. Magruder, being first engaged
at Yorktown and opening the battle of Williamsburg. Its
notable actions are too many to be named, but among
them was its support of the ill-fated charge upon Cemetery
Height at Gettysburg. Thirty-seven of its men were killed
in action. It was known as the Macon battery, from
Captain Miles C. Macon, who succeeded in command
when Captain Cabell was promoted colonel of artillery,
and who was killed in the last action in which his battery
took part.

The Hampden Artillery was also known as Caskie's
battery, from its second leader, Captain William H.
Caskie, who succeeded to the command at the end of the
first year of service. It was organized in Richmond in
1861, and mustered into service shortly afterward, Cap
tain Lawrence S. Marye being its commander. After
many brilliant actions it was assigned to Pickett's division
in March, 1863, and was with it in the charge at Gettys
burg. With horses at a hard gallop it led the charge upon
Newbern, Captain Caskie, whose horse had been wounded,
leading on foot, carrying a musket with which he did good

208 PICKETT AND HIS MEN

service. To replace his wounded horse, General Pickett
gave him one which was captured on the field. After
Captain Caskie's promotion in the spring of 1864, the bat
tery was led by Captain John E. Sullivan, under whose
leadership it maintained its well-earned distinction.

The Fauquier Artillery received this name from the
circumstance of having been recruited in Fauquier County,
Virginia. It was known as Stribling's battery, from its
commander, Captain Robert M. Stribling. After many
brilliant engagements with R. H. Anderson's South
Carolina brigade and Kemper's Virginia brigade, and at
Malvern Hill with Toombs's brigade, it repulsed a charge
of cavalry at Turkey Island. For this action it received
the compliment of special mention in the Federal reports
for the precision and effect of its fire. In this engage
ment its guns were directed by Lieutenants Marshall and
Carroll. After distinguished service with Stuart at Ma-
nassas Plains, where it advanced in front of the infantry
and supported a cavalry charge until the Federals were
defeated, it was then attached to Bearing's battalion
and accompanied General Longstreet to Suffolk where,
being surrounded by an overwhelming force, it suffered
the loss of many fine guns and the capture of its com
mander and his officers. After their exchange the battery
was reorganized and equipped at Richmond and furnished
with six Napoleon guns, and its next engagement was at
Gettysburg in the cannonade of the third day which
ushered in the final charge. Upon the promotion of Cap
tain Stribling, Lieutenant Marshall succeeded him as
captain. Under his command it was in many brilliant ac
tions until the surrender, when it went on to Lynchburg,
destroyed its guns and disbanded.

The Latham-Dearing-Blount battery was first Latham's
battery, from its commander. Then it passed under the

RE OR GA NIZA TIGN. 209

leadership of Dearing and, upon his promotion, became
Blount's battery, Captain J. R. Blount being its leader.
It was organized in Lynchburg in 1861, and did good serv
ice at the first battle of Manassas, being said to have fired
the first guns on that day. In 1862, it was in active service
in the Peninsula, and supported Pickett's brigade with
distinguished honor at Seven Pines and Gaines's Mill. In
December, 1862, it was made a part of Dearing's battalion
and attached to Pickett's division, serving in the expedi
tion to Suffolk and at Gettysburg, and in many subsequent
engagements. It was neither captured nor surrendered,
but pushed its way on to its native city of Lynchburg
where it disbanded and destroyed its guns.

On the first of November, 1862, Pickett's division was
moved from Orange Court-house to Fredericksburg, where
it was confronted with Burnside's Army of the Potomac.
Here a brigade was formed for Colonel M. D. Corse, and
became a part of Pickett's division. Colonel Corse had
also previously commanded Pickett's brigade for a short
time while Pickett lay wounded.

Pickett's division at this time was about ninety-one
hundred strong. The fate of many a brave man is yet to
be recorded before these pages are finished.

The colonels were —

First Virginia: P. T. Moore, wounded at Bull Run.,
July, 1861, and promoted brigadier-general; Lewis B. Wil
liams, Jr., killed, Gettysburg, July 3, 1863; Frederic G
Skinner, wounded and disabled, Second Manassas.

Third Virginia: Roger A. Pryor, promoted brigadier
general, 1862; Joseph Mayo, Jr., wounded, Gettysburg.

Seventh Virginia: James L. Kemper, promoted briga
dier-general in 1862, wounded at Gettysburg, major-gen
eral in 1864; W. Tazewell Patton, killed, Gettysburg; C.
C. Floweree, 1863-65.

210 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

Eighth Virginia: Eppa Hunton, promoted brigadier-
general, 1863; Norbourne Berkeley, wounded, Gettys
burg.

Ninth Virginia: David Godwin; J. Owens, killed,
Gettysburg; J. J. Phillips, wounded, Gettysburg.

Eleventh Virginia: Samuel Garland, promoted briga
dier-general, and killed, Boonsboro, 1862; David Funsten,
Maurice S. Langhorne, and Kirk Otey, all wounded.

Fourteenth Virginia: James G. Hodges, killed, Gettys
burg; William White, wounded, Gettysburg.

Fifteenth Virginia: Thomas P. August, wounded and
disabled, Malvern Hill, 1862.

Seventeenth Virginia: M. D. Corse, promoted briga
dier-general, 1862; Morton Marye, wounded and disabled,
1862; Arthur Herbert.

Eighteenth Virginia: Robert E. Withers, wounded and
disabled, Gaines's Mill; Henry A. Carrington, wounded.

Nineteenth Virginia: Armistead Rust, 1861; J. B.
Strange, killed, Sharpsburg, 1862; Henry Gantt, wounded,
Gettysburg.

Twenty-fourth Virginia: Jubal A. Early, wounded,
and promoted lieutenant-general; William R. Terry,
wounded and promoted brigadier-general; Richard L.
Maury, wounded and disabled, Drury's Farm, 1864.

Twenty-eighth Virginia: Robert F. Preston, 1861;
Robert Allen, killed, Gettysburg; William Watts, 1863-65.

Twenty-ninth Virginia: Austin Moore; James Giles.

Thirtieth Virginia: R. Milton Gary, 1861; Archy T.
Harrison; Robert S. Chew.

Thirty-second Virginia: Edgar B. Montague.

Thirty-eighth Virginia: E. C. Edmonds, killed, Gettys
burg; George K. Griggs.

Fifty-third Virginia: Harrison B. Tomlin, 1861; J.
Grammer; William R. Aylett, wounded, Gettysburg.

RE ORGANIZA TION. 2 1 1

Fifty-sixth Virginia: W. D. Stuart, killed, Gettys
burg; William E. Green, wounded; Peyton P. Slaughter,
wounded and disabled, Gaines's Mill.

Fifty-Seventh Virginia: Lewis A. Armistead, pro
moted brigadier-general in 1862, killed at Gettysburg;
E. F. Keene; J. B. Magruder, killed, Gettysburg; and
C. R. Fontaine.

CHAPTER XXVI.
PICKETT'S GENERALS.

Brigadier-General Richard Brooke Garnett was born
in Essex County, Virginia, in 1819. He was graduated
from West Point in 1841, in the class which furnished
the largest list of officers killed in action, six falling on
the battle-fields of Mexico, and eight — among them the
heroic Garnett himself — in the Civil War.

Upon his graduation he was appointed second-lieuten
ant in the Sixth Infantry; served in the Florida war, in
New Orleans, and San Antonio, Texas, on the frontier,
and was stationed at Benicia, California, at the beginning
of the war between the States.

Feeling it his duty to serve his native State, he re
signed from the United States army, May 17, 1861. He
was appointed brigadier-general in the Confederate army
ancl served with Jackson in the Valley of Virginia. For
a time he commanded the celebrated Stonewall Brigade.

When the ammunition was exhausted at the battle
of Kernstown, Garnett retired his brigade, thereby in
curring the displeasure of Jackson, who claimed that,
but for Garnett's action, he could have won the battle.
The offending officer was arrested and temporarily re
lieved from duty. The sensitive mind of the brave gen
eral, who was as courageous on the field as he was hon
orable in the performance of all the duties of a soldier's
life, never recovered from what he regarded as a stigma
upon his military reputation. This feeling was proba
bly, at least in part, the cause of his insisting upon

PICKETT'S GENERALS. 21$

leading his brigade at Gettysburg when he was so ill as to
be scarcely able to sit upon his horse. His magnanimity
is attested by the fact that no more sincere a mourner
followed the great leader "Stonewall" to his untimely
grave than the man in whose heart still rankled the
wound which would be healed only when the gallant soul
had passed into that higher phase of life where all the
hurts of this narrow existence pass away.

Garnett commanded Pickett's brigade in the absence
of its leader while wounded, and when Pickett was pro
moted to the command of a division the brigade was
placed permanently under Garnett, who led it with dis
tinguished success, winning the respect and affection of
officers and men. It was at the head of this grand old
brigade that he rode down into the valley between the
hills of Gettysburg, cheering on his men with all the en
thusiasm he had shown in his greatest vigor and health,
to meet the death to which every true soldier looks for
ward as the crowning glory of a noble life.

Brigadier-General Lewis Addison Armistead com
manded the second brigade of Pickett's division. He
was born in Newbern, North Carolina, February 18, 1817.

The son of an army officer, it was inevitable that he
should enter West Point, from which he would probably
have been graduated with most brilliant honors, had not
his martial instincts so far overruled the discipline of that
rigid institution as to result in the smashing of Jubal
Early's head with a plate. Although it is not the avowed
intention of that conservatory of war to repress the heroic
soul, yet in this particular case it was deemed best that
the belligerent instincts should be permitted to develop
in a less restricted atmosphere, and so the scholastic
career of the future Confederate leader was suddenly
terminated.

214 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. «

In 1839 Armistead was appointed second-lieutenant in
the Sixth Regiment of infantry, then in General Zachary
Taylor's command. He served in the Florida war under
his father, General W. K. Armistead, and in 1844 was
promoted to a first-lieutenancy by President Tyler. He
was brevetted for gallant conduct in Mexico, being at
Chapultepec, as we are told, "the first to leap into the
great ditch."

At the opening of the Civil War he was a captain in
the regular army. He resigned, was commissioned colo
nel, and placed in command of the Fifty-seventh Regi
ment of Virginia infantry. In 1862 he was made briga
dier-general and organized a brigade of infantry, which
was assigned to Huger's division of Longstreet's First
Army Corps. It was first engaged in the second day's
fight at Seven Pines, where its brave general was espe
cially distinguished. In September, 1862, it was added
to Pickett's division of Longstreet's corps. In his re
port of the battle of Malvern Hill, General Magruder
says: "Brigadier-General Armistead held the line of
battle in the wood which secured the field, and after
bringing on the action in the most gallant manner by re
pulsing an attack of a heavy body of the enemy's skir
mishers, skilfully lent support to the contending troops
in front when it was required."

It was at the head of this brigade that he stormed up
the deadly slope of Cemetery Hill, broke the Union lines
and, with his hand resting on a Federal gun and the shout
of victory on his lips, fell, as noble a sacrifice as ever
sanctified a battle-field.

Brigadier-General James Lawson Kemper was com
mander of the Third Brigade of Pickett's division.

He was born in 1824, of a Virginia family whose his
tory dates back to the beginning of the eighteenth cen-

PICKETT'S GENERALS. 21$

tury. He seems to have had no predilection for a war
rior's life, as he prepared himself carefully for profes
sional work. In 1847 ne was commissioned captain of
volunteers by President Polk, and joined Taylor's army
of occupation after the battle of Buena Vista, thus taking
no active part in the war. He afterward served for a
number of years in the political and military affairs of his
State.

On the 2d of May, 1861, he became colonel of volun
teers, and at Manassas took command of the Seventh
Regiment of infantry. After the first battle of Manassas
the regiment was joined temporarily to Early's brigade.
Three days later it was assigned to Longstreet's brigade,
afterward commanded by A. P. Hill. Under this com
mand Colonel Kemper with his regiment fought for nine
successive hours at Williamsburg, capturing some pieces
of artillery and four hundred prisoners. He was im
mediately after made commander of the brigade, and led
it through the historic Seven Days.

In the second battle of Manassas General Kemper
commanded a division composed of several brigades after
ward in Pickett's division, and made so successful a move
ment that General Lee sent him a request to repeat it,
thus assisting very greatly in the final success of that
battle. He commanded his own brigade at South Moun
tain and Antietam. After the Maryland campaign Kemp-
er's brigade was joined to Pickett's division.

At Fredericksburg General Kemper with his brigade
advanced under a heavy fire to unite with the troops on
Marye's Heights. Early in 1863, he and his brigade were
sent to North Carolina; returning to Pickett's division in
front of Suffolk.

General Kemper bravely led his brigade in the great
charge on the last day of Gettysburg, and was carried

2l6 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. »

out, never again to inspire his gallant warriors by his pres
ence on the field. He was afterward placed in command
of the forces at Richmond, where he did good service,
and in 1864 was promoted major-general.

After the war, he most ably served the State of Vir
ginia as governor, and won in civic life laurels no less un
fading than he had gained in war.

Brigadier-General Montgomery D. Corse was a native
of Alexandria, Virginia, and a graduate of a military school.

In 1846, he was elected captain of volunteers, and
served in the war with Mexico. After the close of the
war, he spent some years in California, and was captain of
the Sutter Rifles in Sacramento. In 1860, he organized
the Old Dominion Rifles of Alexandria, and a battalion of
volunteers, of which he was major. The infantry com
panies of this battalion were afterwards a part of the cele
brated Seventeenth Regiment of Virginia infantry, and
Major Corse was made its colonel, leading it with distinc
tion at Manassas and the battles in that vicinity.

He commanded Kemper's regiment in the second
battle of Manassas, where he was slightly wounded. He
was wounded while leading his regiment at Boonsboro,
and again at Antietam, where he went into battle with
fifty-six men and came out with seven.

On November I, 1862, Colonel Corse was commissioned
brigadier-general, and for a time was in command of
Pickett's brigade. Soon after he was assigned to a new
brigade made up of the Fifteenth, Seventeenth, Thirtieth
and Thirty-second Virginia regiments, afterward includ
ing the Twenty-ninth Virginia. It served with Pickett's
division throughout the war, but being, unfortunately,
detached from it and left at Hanover Junction in the
campaign of 1863, the division was deprived of its assist
ance at Gettysburg.

PICKETT'S GENERALS. 21 J

Longstreet mentions the distinguished gallantry and
skill of Corse while commanding a regiment at the battle
of Frazier's Farm. He led his brigade brilliantly at Five
Forks, was captured at Sailor's Creek, and remained a
prisoner until some months after the close of the war.

The dashing Micah Jenkins fought with great ability
, at Seven Pines, and brought on the battle of Frazier's
Farm by leading his battalion of sharpshooters in a charge
upon a battery, which he captured. He was afterward
placed in command of a brigade which was incorporated
into Pickett's division, and was held in reserve at Fred-
ericksburg. Greatly to the regret of General Pickett, and
the crippling of the division, he was left on guard-duty
when Pennsylvania was invaded and the battle of Gettys
burg was fought.

When General Longstreet was transferred to Tennessee,
Jenkins, with his brigade of South Carolinians, was at
tached to Hood's division and accompanied him. He dis
played great skill in leading his command across Lookout
Mountain after the attack upon Hooker's rear-guard.

In the Wilderness he rode next to Longstreet and said:
"I am happy; I have felt despair of the cause for some
months, but am relieved, and feel assured that we will put
the enemy back across the Rapidan before night." Scarce
had the words left his lips when the party, mistaken for
an advance of the enemy, was fired upon, Jenkins falling
mortally wounded, and Longstreet being shot through
shoulder and throat.

Among those members of the division who distin
guished themselves in less prominent positions was Colo
nel Eppa Hunton of the Eighth Regiment. Colonel
Hunton did not seem to find his long experience in por
ing over musty files in a law-office any obstacle to a gal
lant military career. By common consent of humanity,

218 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

law-files are always regarded as "musty," though, as a
matter of fact, it stands to reason that a new case must
occasionally come into a law-office.

He led Pickett's brigade for a time at Gaines's Mill
when its commander was compelled by his wound to leave
the field. Colonel Hunton being too ill to retain the com
mand, it devolved upon Colonel John B. Strange, of the
Nineteenth Regiment. At Frazier's Farm, Colonel Hun-
ton gave the order to charge, but as he was too weak from
illness to keep up with the command it again fell to the
direction of Colonel Strange, who led it with great ability.
Colonel Strange was killed at South Mountain.

Colonel Hunton was promoted brigadier-general in
1863. He was among those who were so unfortunate as
to be captured at Sailor's Creek, the last chapter in the
history of Pickett's division.

From 1872 until 1881, Colonel Hunton was a member
of the United States Congress, and served upon the Elec
toral Commission.

CHAPTER XXVII.

FREDERICKSBURG.

After the battle of Antietam General Lee reorganized
his army into corps and held them between the Potomac
and Winchester through most of the month of October.

On the 8th of that month General Stuart, of the cav
alry force, began his celebrated circuit of McClellan's
army, leading three cavalry brigades across the Potomac
and on to Chambersburg — the first invasion of the North.
Stuart seriously disturbed the mental equilibrium of the
Army of the Potomac, cut the telegraph-wires, so that
annoying messages in regard to him might not be sent to
his enemies, destroyed government depots, secured pro
visions, and returned to the south side of the river on the
I2th, having made the entire round with a loss of but few
of his men, who were slightly wounded in a skirmish with
Pleasanton.

On the 26th McClellan moved southward and crossed
the river east of the Blue Ridge. Longstreet kept a cor
responding march on the south side, while Jackson
guarded the passes. McClellan halted at Warrenton on
the 5th of November, and Longstreet, with the divisions
of McLaws, R. H. Anderson and Pickett, arrived at the
same time at Culpeper Court-house.

On the day that McClellan reached Warrenton orders
were issued from Washington relieving him of command
and appointing General Burnside as general-in-chief
of the Army of the Potomac. Whatever the North may
have thought of the change, the Southern leaders were

219

220 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. ^

of the opinion that the removal of McClellan was fortu
nate for their cause.

The Army of the Potomac, through all its disastrous
career, had never lost faith in " Little Mac," as it fondly
called him. If securing and retaining the confidence of
his men is a proof of military ability, no American leader
had ever been more fitted for his responsible position
than was the commander whose requisitions upon the
military department at Washington had won for his
army the derisive title of "The Umbrella Brigade."

It was with reluctance that General Burnside accepted
an appointment which he had twice declined, and which
would thrust upon him the arduous task of winning the men
from their former idol, or ensure his failure. Subsequent
events seemed to indicate that he had done well in twice
declining, and might have done better by persisting in that
course. However, we may give him credit for having
been actuated by good motives, and regard his subse
quent career as one of the fortunes, or misfortunes, of war.

Burnside prepared for an aggressive movement which
might prove his metal and secure the good will of the
nation and the army. He consolidated the six corps of
the Army of the Potomac into three grand divisions of
two corps each, the right under General E. V. Sumner;
the center, General Joseph Hooker; the left, General W.
B. Franklin. He spent ten days in reorganizing and get
ting under control his dissatisfied army, who placed little
confidence in his plans. Wearied by the slow prepara
tions of his predecessor for a forward movement which
never took him anywhere, the administration at Washing
ton insisted upon knowing what the new commander pur
posed doing. In response to this demand, Burnside
labored with such celerity that within two days from tak
ing command his plan was ready to be submitted.

FREDERICKSB URG. 221

This plan differed from that which Lee was expecting
of him. The Confederate general had prepared to oppose
a movement north of Culpeper Court-house. Burnside
moved south, with the intention of crossing the Rap-
pahannock near Fredericksburg and securing a position
between Lee's army and Richmond, designing to cut off
communication and prevent the Southern army from gain
ing access to their capital. On the I5th, he began to put
this plan into operation, attempting to conceal it by a
demonstration on Gordonsville.

Lee was not thus to be deluded, and on the same day
the Confederate outpost at Fredericksburg was reinforced
by a battery of artillery and a regiment of infantry. On
the 1 7th, Lee received information that the right division
had gone south, led by General Sumner, and he ordered
General W. H. F. Lee's cavalry to Fredericksburg.

Fredericksburg is a small town, at that time of about
five thousand inhabitants, situated on the south bank of
the Rappahannock. It is north of Richmond, and about
half-way between Richmond and Washington. Low ranges
of hills extend along the river; on the north, they are
close to and parallel with the stream; on the south they
stretch backward from the river and inclose a plain six
miles long and nearly three miles wide; above the river
they rise boldly and present a rugged, unforested front;
eastward they are lower and wooded, and spurs, covered
with a growth of trees, run down to the plain.

Had nature formed the design of creating an appro
priate location for a victorious army, she could have suc
ceeded no better than she did in her operations upon the
south of the Rappahannock River at Fredericksburg. In
front were bold, bare crests, on whose natural ramparts
artillery might be placed to hurl destruction upon the
helpless plain below. On the flanks the woodland spread

222 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

out its sheltering arms to screen troops from the fire of
an attacking party. The hand of man had come to the
assistance of nature in rearing this gigantic fortification,
and had constructed, probably for some peaceful purpose
now unknown, a road guarded by a stone wall. Behind
this wall a force of musketry might be concealed, from
which an incessant fusillade could be kept up, with no pos
sibility of an effective counter-fire.

On the i8th, one of Longstreet's divisions under Mc-
Laws set out for Fredericksburg, another under Ransom
marching toward the North Anna. The next day, finding
that the whole Union army was on the way to Fredericks-
burg, Lee ordered the remaining divisions to go forward.
On the iQth, Longstreet took possession of the heights
of Fredericksburg, thereby securing an advantage which
assured him the victory, those hills being invincible when
well fortified. There was Longstreet on the 2ist day of
November, when General Sumner called Fredericksburg
to surrender.

In the meantime, Burnside had reached Falmouth,
where he intended to cross. Here he was delayed by the
fact that the bridges had been destroyed by heavy rains,
and the pontoons which had been ordered from Washing
ton had failed to arrive, by reason of a mistake as to whose
duty it was to send them forward, and the indifference of
the commander-in-chief as to whether they went forward
or not. While Burnside waited with what patience he
might, Lee's army beyond the river busied itself in forti
fying the heights.

On the igth of November, Franklin and Hooker en
camped about ten miles from Falmouth on the northeast
side of the river, Franklin at Stafford Court-house and
Hooker at Hartwood. The Federal batteries, one hundred
and forty-seven siege-guns and long-range field-batteries

FREDERICKSBURG. 22$

were posted on Stafford Heights, a range of hills through
which the Rappahannock flows a little more than a mile
above Fredericksburg.

On the opposite bank the brigade of McLaws was
picketed. Lower down the river were extended parts of
the divisions of R. H. Anderson and Hood, supporting
Stuart's cavalry. The Confederate left was on Taylor's
Hill on a level with Stafford Heights on the northern bank.
General Longstreet rested on Marye's Hill, just south of
Fredericksburg.

On the crest of Marye's Hill was Colonel Walton's
Washington Artillery, supported by a Georgia rifle regi
ment commanded by Colonel McMillan, an Irish officer.
The batteries belted the height, tier upon tier, guarding
the approaches to Fredericksburg. The sunken road be
low with its wall of stone, formed a defense for the hill.

On the heights of Fredericksburg Lee, confident in the
invincibility of his position, awaited with serenity the at
tack, surrounded by more than three hundred guns which
looked menacingly down upon the foe from all nature's
points of vantage. In the valley of the Massaponax River,
near Hamilton's Crossing, General Jackson was stationed.
To the rear of his left, in the valley of Deep Run, was
Hood's division. Thus Fredericksburg was fortified be~
fore the end of November, and the battle was won some
three weeks before the first shot was fired. Looking down
from the crest of the battery-encircled hill on the day be
fore the battle, General Longstreet's chief of artillery,
Colonel Alexander, said:

" We will comb it as with a fine-tooth comb. A chicken
could not live on that field when we open fire."

Now that the tables were so effectually turned, and
Lee had made himself completely master of the field
which Burnside had fondly regarded as his own, the

224 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. .

Federal commander might, from the point of view pre
sented by military prudence, have refrained from pushing
his project. Urged on by a sense of what was required
of him by popular opinion, and actuated by the thought
of the demoralization which would follow a retreat before
the first blow was struck, he persisted in crossing.

On the evening of the gth of December, he called a
council of his commanders and stated his intention of mak
ing a direct assault upon Marye's Hill, which he called
the key of the enemy's position. Though this assemblage
included " Fighting Joe" Hooker, and Sumner, whose
military ardor burned all the more fiercely as the winds
of increasing winters fanned its flames, not one voice in
the council gave assent. Those gallant veterans knew
that the key to the Confederate position was held so
tightly in the hand of its owner that any attempt to turn
the lock could result in nothing but disaster to the daring
marauder.

At three o'clock on the morning of December 11, the
heavy roll of cannon from Marye's Hill aroused the Con
federate army to the fact that the Federals were about
to cross the river. D. H. Hill's division and the Second
Corps took position along the woodland over Hamilton's
Crossing. Barksdale's Mississippians and three regiments
of R. H. Anderson's division protected the river line. The
curtain of mist that hung between the opposing armies
was not so heavy but that Barksdale's sword of flame
could pierce it, and soon the passage of the Federals was
suspended.

Marye's Hill possessed a fatal fascination for Burn-
side, and he persisted in crossing under its frowning crest
instead of seeking a safer place to effect the passage. In
the hope of dislodging the Mississippians he ordered the
bombardment of Fredericksburg. About the middle of

FREDERICKSBURG. 22$

the day the lingering purple mist grew flame-red, and the
two armies knew that the town was on fire.

Not until three regiments had gained the Confederate
side of the river in the boats that had not yet been made
a part of the bridge, and had driven back the Mississip-
pians, could the bridges be finished and the army set
across, having suffered heavy loss from Lee's sharp
shooters. The Confederate general had no desire seri
ously to impede the passage of Burnside's army, having
been waiting for some time to give it a hospitable recep
tion, but he had no objection to making his presence felt
in the meantime.

Not even yet satisfied by the advantage which cir
cumstances and the blunders of his adversary had given
to Lee, Burnside still further strengthened the Con
federate position by remaining inactive for about forty-
eight hours, during which the forces upon the heights were
effectively massed.

For two days the Confederate army had been ready
and waiting for the attack. On the night of the I2th,
General Jackson had concentrated his divisions on the
field and the whole army was now for the first time on the
ground. On the afternoon of the I2th, A. P. Hill had
relieved Hood at the woods near Hamilton's Crossing,
Hood was stationed on the heights between Deep Run
and Hazel Run, and Pickett's division took position at the
foot of the hills between Hazel Run and the Telegraph
Road, which extends across the plain and leads to Rich
mond. Pickett's command was under arms, waiting for
orders. McLavvs's and Anderson's line was reinforced by
Ransom, and Cooke's brigade was at the left of the stone
wall. Taliaferro's brigade formed a line behind A. P,
Hill.

D. H. Hill and Ewell arrived at dawn, having marched

.226 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

. 4)

the whole of the night of the I2th. D. H. Hill was placed
on the right, behind Taliaferro. Ewell took position with
his right in front of Hamilton's Crossing. The Second
Corps, in the valley of the Massaponax, was supported
by Stuart with eighteen pieces of artillery.

On the morning of the I3th, the mists had risen from
the river and lay, a heavy purple veil, over the valley of
Fredericksburg. Through its dense folds no eye of friend
or foe could look. Nature had put on her mourning veil,
prophetic of the bloody day that was to follow.

Through the heavy curtain Meade's division at half past
eight, supported by the other two divisions of the corps
under Gibbon and Doubleday, moved in the direction of
Jackson. Their march was slow, being delayed by their
ignorance of the ground, which was broken by ravines.
Through the dense fog the commands of the opposing offi
cers were distinctly heard, crossing as on a cloud bridge
between the terraced heights on which the Confederates
were stationed and the plain where the Union army was
struggling through the mist curtain to its doom.

At ten o'clock, the fog lifted, and Stuart's cannon from
the plain of Massaponax was turned full upon the solid
ranks of Meade's division, compelling it to halt until
Meade's artillery could repel the fire. While the artillery
duel went on, Meade advanced and gained some ground,
but the gallant defense of Early, combined with the rem
nant of A. P. Hill's command, forced him to retreat.
Jackson's line had engaged with Meade, and Pickett, re
garding this as the signal for an advance of his division
in conjunction with Hood's, went to that leader and rep
resented that the time had arrived, as provided for before
the action began, but Hood was slow in taking that view
and the opportunity was lost.

While the battle was raging around the woodland near

FREDERICKSBURG. 22;

Hamilton's Crossing, a still more bloody struggle was tak
ing place on the height opposite the town. When the
mist that had filled the valley with evanescent beauty
cleared away, Burnside, from his headquarters beyond the
river, looked across to the fair object of his ambition,
Marye's Hill. As the last purple wreath of mist floated
gracefully upward in the soft breeze, the brilliant rays of
the sun struck blinding flashes from the long gleaming
lines of bayonets far up on the ramparts of the hill. From
its triple terraces circle upon circle of Confederate guns
looked down menacingly upon the valley.

The mist has quite left the vale; it no more hangs like
a circling mantle of love about the heights to guard it
from the ravages of opposing armies. For a moment
Marye's Hill stands silent, majestic, bathed in the light
of the sun. Then a cloud drifts slowly up from its in
trenched terraces and rises to its summit where it rests
like an opal crown with sapphirine tints glinting through.
It is not the mist; that has floated away forever. It hangs
ominously over the stately head of Marye's Hill. It is
the first greeting of Walton's batteries to the Union sol
diers massed in the town below.

Will Burnside heed the warning? "Whom the gods
wish to destroy they first make mad." From the head
quarters of the Army of the Potomac, beyond the peaceful
river rippling on its silvery way in the light of the sun,
came the signal for the first movement in one of the mad
dest, bravest, most reckless, most daring, and most hope
less charges that ever threw a blood-stain across the pages
of the world's history.

Under the consuming flame which flashed forth from
all the batteries of McLaws, French's columns dashed to
the assault, cut through and through by cannon-ball until
they reached within the range of musket-shot, when the

228 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. .

infantry opened fire upon them, a man falling for every
shot that sped its way through the battle-charged air.

From Stafford's Heights Hunt's artillery was trying to
stop the storm of shot and shell from Marye's Hill, but in
vain. After a futile effort he silenced his own guns lest
they destroy friend instead of foe. The assaulting party
could not pass beyond the deadly rain that showered upon
them from the musket-lined stone wall that guarded the
ramparts of the hill. They retired, leaving one-third of
their number on the ground, and three Union flags to mark
their furthest advance line and flutter out upon the smoke-
filled air a mute call for support.

Up the steep and slippery heights rushed Hancock's
men, led by their commander, their eyes fixed upon the
stars on the blue field of their banner, shining down up
on the dead. From every cannon-crowned rampart of
Marye's Hill a storm of shot and shell burst upon them,
covering the valley with slain.

Meagher's Irish brigade dashed out from Fredericks-
burg and formed in the deadly rain from the batteries
on the crested heights. A correspondent of the London
Times, watching the battle from the hill, and writing after
ward from Lee's headquarters, says of the gallant brigade
of the heroic sons of Ireland:

Never at Fontenoy, Albuera, nor at Waterloo, was more undoubted
courage displayed by the sons of Erin than during those six frantic
dashes which they directed against the almost impregnable position of
their foe. . . . The bodies which lie in dense masses within forty
yards of the muzzles of Colonel Walton's guns are the best evidence of
what manner of men they were who pressed on to death with the daunt-
lessness of a race which has gained glory on a thousand battle-fields, and
never more richly deserved it than at the foot of Marye's Heights on the
i3th day of December, 1862.

In his official report Meagher says: "Of the one

FREDERICKSBURG. 22Q

thousand and two hundred I led into action, only two
hundred and eighty appeared on parade next morning."

Speaking of the character of the Irish as soldiers, Gen
eral Lee says: " Cleburne, on our side, inherited the intre
pidity of his race. On a field of battle he shone like a
meteor in a clouded sky. As a dashing military man, he
was all virtue; a single vice did not stain him as a warrior.
His generosity and benevolence had no limits. The care
which he took of the fortunes of his officers and soldiers,
from the greatest to the least, was incessant. His integ
rity was proverbial, and his modesty was an equally con
spicuous trait in his character. Meagher, on your side,
though not Cleburne's equal in military genius, rivaled
him in bravery and in the affections of his soldiers. The
gallant stand which his bold brigade made on the heights
of Fredericksburg is well known. Never were men so
brave. They ennobled their race by their splendid gal
lantry on that desperate occasion. Though totally routed,
they reaped harvests of glory. Their brilliant, though
hopeless, assaults on our lines excited the hearty applause
of our officers and soldiers."

It has been estimated that on that portion of the plain
over which the Union forces charged upon the heights
of Fredericksburg the killed and wounded, on the night
of the I3th, averaged a thousand to the acre — one out of
every twenty being a soldier of the Irish brigade.

For the first time the Irish brigade went into battle
unsheltered by the flag of Erin, that has waved over
deeds of Irish heroism on the battle-fields of every nation
on the globe, the Twenty-eighth Massachusetts being the
only regiment that bore the national colors. The flags
of the other regiments had been sent to New York, that
their tattered folds might be cherished in sacred memory
of Gaelic virtue; a new set of colors had been provided

230 PICKETT AND 211 S MEN.

by a number of Americans, in testimony of their apprecia
tion of the gallant sons of Erin, but had failed to arrive
in time for the battle. Meagher, however, would not
permit his men to go into action unguarded by the color
sacred to their own dear Emerald Isle, so he placed in his
own cap a sprig of evergreen and each man followed his
example.

In the attack of Howard's division the Confederate
commander, General Cobb, was killed. At the same time
General Cooke was seriously wounded. Ransom's brigade
came to the relief of Cooke's; McLaws sent Kershaw to
the assistance of Cobb's troops. Pickett and the troops
posted at the south angle of Marye's Hill were keeping
up a lively fire with Sturgis and Getty, who were also sub
jected to a cross-fire from Hood and McLaws.

The battle which had been practically won weeks be
fore when Longstreet first posted his men on Marye's
Hill was now dedicated to the Confederates by a chrism
of fire, but Burnside would not believe it. From beyond
the river he viewed the contest, ignorant of the ground,
knowing nothing of the insurmountable obstacles to a
successful attack on the height, and unwilling to believe
what was told him by those who had survived the attempt,
saying to Hooker: "That crest must be carried to
night." Hooker knew that it was impossible, and Han
cock, French and the other officers, including the fiery
Sumner, agreed with him, but Burnside had determined
upon another assault, and was immovable.

For the first time in his military career " Fighting Joe"
was averse to living up to the soubriquet which he had
won by gallant deeds on the field. Resolved upon saving
his men, if possible, and at least throwing off the responsi
bility for their sacrifice, he adopted the strong measure of
making a personal appeal to the commander of the Army

FREDERICKSB URG. 231

of the Potomac. Pleasanton saw him ride up on his white
steed, and said that when Hooker dismounted he was the
maddest man he ever saw; he made the air blue with ad
jectives. Burnside, bent upon self-destruction, would not
yield, and Hooker went back with the old order ringing
in his ears: "That crest must be carried to-night."

In the fast-falling shadows of the night Hooker began
a fire of artillery, hoping, as he said, to make "a hole suf
ficiently large for a forlorn hope to enter," with no more
impression "than if it had been made against a mountain
of rock."

The Confederate artillery on the crest had ceased firing
through failure of ammunition.

At sunset Humphreys with four thousand men pushed
onward, ignorant of the sunken road before him, where
a line of infantry four deep was ranged, protected from
view and from attack by the stone-lined road. A short
distance from this road the Union column fell before a
solid sheet of flame and bullets that burst forth from
the Confederate front. And there, before Marye's Hill,
were piled the Union dead and wounded. Hooker ob
serves with grim sarcasm: "Finding that I had lost as
many men as my orders required, I suspended the at
tack."

In making this assault, Hooker knew that he was
violating one of Napoleon's most important rules of war
fare, " Never do anything which the enemy wishes you to
do," as, in addition to having learned Lee's wishes by a sad
experience, he, Burnside, and Sumner had all been in
formed that morning of the desire of Lee in regard to the
attack. Being under orders, he could do nothing but
push on.

It had taken Burnside less than ninety days to plan
and lose the battle of Fredericksburg, to efface the glory

232 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. »

of his own military career, and to project a yet further
assault upon the victorious Confederates, which would
have resulted in a demoralization of the Army of the
Potomac from which it would probably never have re
covered. Fortunately for him and the North, the strong
opposition of his generals prevented his carrying into
effect this crowning blunder, which he had carefully
planned for the I4th.

Longstreet has said: "They fully expected Burnside
would renew the battle the next day. They knew that
another day would nearly ruin the Army of the Potomac.
If Burnside would attack such a strongly fortified posi
tion, it was reasonable to suppose that he would repeat
his folly the next day."

This would seem to indicate that Lee and his generals
had a realizing sense of the military acumen of their ad
versary.

Lee himself was too astute to leave his strong position
and descend to the open plain to attack upon a level a
beaten foe who might suddenly change from conquered
to conqueror, so the two armies watched each other in
sullen silence until the night of the 1 5th, when the Army
of the Potomac recrossed the river.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

"DOGS OF WAR" IN LEASH.

Pickett's division was composed of Garnett's, Armi-
stead's, Kemper's and Corse's Virginia brigades, and Jen
kins's (formerly R. H. Anderson's) South Carolina brigade.

The division, as a division, was on a field of battle for
the first time December 13, 1862, at the battle of Fred-
ericksburg, where it held in reserve the center of Long-
street's corps and, though it was eager and impatient to
be allowed to take part in the fight, it was never fully
reached.

General Longstreet gave instructions to his division
commanders, Pickett and Hood, simply to hold their
ground in defense, unless they should see an opportunity
to attack the enemy while engaged with A. P. Hill on
the right.

Pickett saw this opportunity when Franklin's column
advanced on the extreme right just a little beyond their
front, thus leaving the enemy's flank open, and, pointing
it out to Hood, suggested that it was the opportune time,
and that they should at once turn their forces upon
Franklin's column in the open field through which they
were forced to pass.

General Pickett in person made the suggestion to
Hood, pointing out the advantages of the movement, and
the eagerness of the men in leash to be allowed to take a
part, and urged that they should avail themselves of the
optional privileges of the directions left them by Long-
street. Hood perfectly agreed with Pickett as to the op-

233

234 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

portuneness and advantages of the attack but, being more
cautious and chary of assuming responsibility than Pickett,
insisted upon first sending a brief of their intentions to-
General Longstreet, who was with General Lee in another
part of the field watching the progress of the battle, ask
ing him if, in the detailed circumstances, they should not
at once push in with their divisions. Any delay at such
a moment was, of course, disastrous, and before the as
sent of General Longstreet was obtained and the order
given the opportunity was lost.

The strength of the division at the time of its forma
tion was about nine thousand, though only a part of one
brigade of the division (Kemper's) was actively engaged
in this their first battle as a division — the battle of Fred-
ericksburg. The casualties of the battle, as a division,
were of course trifling, but enough, alas, to make many a
heart ache, many a hearthstone desolate. About forty-
seven wounded, dead and dying were found near the
"stone fence" at Marye's Hill.

The fearless Federal commander, Burnside, was bold,,
determined and fierce in his attack, and had he been drawn
still deeper into the toils which had been set for him on
this field of battle by our General Lee, it is more than
probable that his whole army would have been destroyed.
General Lee's position was so strongly and so thoroughly
protected that General Burnside's attack was repulsed
with great loss at every point. Only a portion of Lee's
first line, near Hamilton's Crossing, was driven back by
Franklin's daring assault upon it, but even that ground
Lee at once recovered.

Pickett's division remained bivouacked in the rear,,
picketing the Rappahannock River below Fredericksburg.
Then it was removed to the left to meet Burnside's at
tempted crossing at Banks's Ford.

"DOGS OF WAR" IN LEASH. 235

In the early part of February, 1863, it started out on
Longstreet's expedition to Suffolk, Virginia, and North
Carolina, marching to Richmond and thence to the breast
works around Petersburg, where it made but a short stay,
and then pushed ahead to further the end conceived by
the wise, practical brain and great tender heart of Old
Peter, their stern but humane commander, to procure food
for his men.

It was hard winter weather, cold, inclement and trying,
and during their continued march of ten days the ground
was covered with sleet and snow. Hundreds of the men
were without shoes, blankets or hats. Many were shod
with improvised moccasins of raw beef-hide. The wives,
mothers, sisters and friends of Pickett's men could scarcely
have recognized in these bedraggled, muddy, ragged men
the trim, dainty soldier-boys whom they had sent out from
their homes to win fame and glory two years before, dressed
then in their new uniforms, with shining equipments, with
knapsacks and haversacks well stuffed by loving hands,
and almost every man taking with him cook and valet.

They had won fame and glory beyond the most san
guine conception, and that they were heroes and warriors,
showed in their will-power and endurance, in the moral
firmness with which, without halt or straggling, they
passed through Richmond and all along the lines of their
homes, receiving the cheers and hurried greetings of their
many relatives and friends whom they had not seen for
months and might never see again.

Even now they could give to those dear ones only a
fleeting recognition from the ranks, a passing smile of
grateful thanks for the loving note, the flower, or the piece
of bread and meat which was hastily thrust into their
hands as tramp, tramp, tramp, they marched away once
again from home and friends.

CHAPTER XXIX.

FORAGING EXPEDITION — SUFFOLK.

Knowing the needs of his men, and having their com
fort at heart, Longstreet called to mind that Dalgetty,
the prince and prototype of the military Bohemian, as
signed the highest place in the soldier's scale to " rations."
When proof beyond peradventure was brought to him
that, stored away in the northeastern counties of North
Carolina, were large quantities of corn and bacon, he may
have remembered the "lean and hungry Cassius." He
may have surmised that, the record of history to the con
trary notwithstanding, the Romans conquered the world
because they were generous feeders; that Napoleon lost
Waterloo because of an empty, aching stomach; that the
rice of the Hindoos and the potato of the Irish could not
fight against roast beef.

Longstreet determined that, if it was possible, he
would procure for his half-fed Confederates these tempt
ing provisions. After mature deliberation, he planned to
make a strong demonstration against Suffolk, Virginia,
and at the same time to send troops into North Carolina,
and wagon-trains to procure and bring out these coveted
supplies, even though the price should be blood.

With that end in view, Pickett's and Hood's divisions
of Longstreet's corps had been detached from the Army
of Northern Virginia, leaving McLaws's division, also of
his corps, behind at Fredericksburg with General Lee.
Hood's division and Jenkins's brigade of Pickett's division
went to Suffolk direct. Armistead's and Corse's brigades

236

FORAGING EXPEDITION— SUFFOLK. 237

of Pickett's division went via the James River and the line
of the Norfolk and Petersburg Railroad toward Suffolk.
Bearing's artillery, which was attached to Pickett's divi
sion, and all the available artillery around and about
Petersburg were sent to Suffolk direct. Garnett's and
Kemper's brigades went on separate expeditions into
eastern North Carolina.

Suffolk, a small town established by law in 1742, was
burned by order of Sir Henry Clinton in 1779. It is on
a line of railroad, and is about eighteen miles from Nor
folk and eighty-five from Richmond. It has a consider
able share of the commerce of North Carolina. All of that
section of the country was in quiet possession of the Fed
eral forces at the time of Longstreet's expedition, and had
been since the capture of Roanoke Island by the Federals
and the abandonment of Norfolk and Suffolk by the Con
federates. The Confederate lines extended only to the
Blackwater River on the east, where a small body of Con
federate troops was stationed to keep the Federal force
in check.

Longstreet's strategical maneuver was a great success
and benefaction to the country, and was accomplished
thus:

In March, 1863, he threatened Suffolk in front, and
kept its garrison so successfully within their own strong
works, almost without any material opposition, that he
took out and carried off wagon-train after wagon-train of
corn and bacon. There was no distinct battle fought, and
no prolonged engagement during this foraging expedi
tion, though all through the entire period there was a great
deal of heavy skirmishing, and frequent sallies from time
to time were made by the Federal force from Suffolk, but
they were always driven back with heavy loss.

The price of the bacon and corn for the Gray was the

238 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

blood of the Blue and the Gray, yet who can say that it was,
under the circumstances, unnecessarily high? There are
many functions of civilized life which can be postponed
to more convenient occasions, but dining is not one of
them. If it be true that the soul of man, as some philos
ophers assert, is located in the stomach, how few will be
lost through the voluntary neglect of this tabernacle of
the Holy Ghost.

The Confederate loss in officers and men was consider
able, but the saddest loss, saddest because it seemed so
unnecessary, was the loss of the Fauquier Artillery (Strib-
ling's battery) attached to Pickett's division.

The battery had been detached by the order of General
French, commander of artillery, and placed in an old
earthwork on the Nansemond River far in advance of our
lines, situated on a point of land unprotected in the rear.
The battery was supported only by two small companies
of infantry.

Two gunboats of the Federals attempted to run by this
battery, one of which was sunk and the other driven away.
The Federals made no other attempt to pass, but for two
days and nights kept up a heavy and incessant fire from
their gunboats and land batteries. Under cover of this
fire they landed three of their regiments in the rear of the
isolated and indefensible position. After a fierce resist
ance the gallant little Confederate band, cut off and over
whelmed, fighting hand to hand at the guns, were all either
killed or made prisoners, except the drivers with the bat
tery horses under Lieutenant Carroll, who, being some
distance in the rear, managed to make their escape.

The battery was one of the finest in the service, having
been captured by us from the Federals. It consisted of
five magnificent guns — three brass Napoleons and two
twenty-four pound howitzers, all of which were recaptured.

FORAGING EXPEDITION— SUFFOLK. - 239

Captain Stribling was in no way responsible for the sacri
fice of his men or the loss of his battery. He simply
obeyed the orders of his commander, General French.

On the 4th of May, General Longstreet, the old "War-
horse of the Confederacy," or " Old Peter," as he was
more commonly called, having successfully accomplished
the object of his maneuver, and secured quantities of
meat and grain even beyond his most sanguine expecta
tions, quietly withdrew his whole force from Suffolk. So
stealthily was this done that our soldiers were across
Blackwater River before the Federal troops were aware
that we had gone.

Hood's division was hurried on from Blackwater River
:by rail to rejoin Lee's army, who had just gained a vic
tory at Chancellorsville. Pickett's division had orders
to follow, when information was brought that raiding cav
alry was passing down the south side of James River en
route to Suffolk, and a peremptory order came to Pickett
to proceed by the Jerusalem plank road to Petersburg
with three brigades of his division and intercept the riders.

With that end in view the division, with the exception
of Jenkins's brigade which, much against General Pickett's
will, was left on the Blackwater River, marched to Peters
burg. The report was false. There was no cavalry raid.
Pickett's division, without Jenkins's brigade, marched
through Petersburg and on to Richmond, to rejoin the
Army of Northern Virginia at Culpeper Court-house.

On the 1st of June, 1863, after four months of hard
ship, marching all the way, going and coming, three
brigades of Pickett's division were on nearly the same
ground they had left in the winter. Almost immediately
afterward they started on that disastrous Pennsylvania
•campaign.

CHAPTER XXX.

CHANCELLORSVILLE.

The military star of the Federal commander, Burn-
side, had gone down in the sea of blood that followed the
reckless and fatal charge upon the heights of Fredericks-
burg. Two days after the sun had set on what the cor
respondent of the London Times called that " memorable
day to the historian of the decline and fall of the Ameri
can Republic," the Army of the Potomac recrossed the
Rappahannock, alleged to be defeated, broken, spiritless.

After the battle desertions became startlingly numer
ous. The soldiers had not been paid for six months, and
the letters which came from home told sad tales of the
destitution and suffering of the loved ones who were to
have been provided for as a reward for the sacrifices
which their natural protectors were making for their coun
try. Friends at home sent citizens' clothes in which the
soldier-boys might escape from a service that was grow
ing intolerably burdensome.

The subordinate generals were severe in their criti
cisms of the new commander, and assisted in nurturing the
growing discontent. Some of them represented the con
dition in its most discouraging view to the President in
Washington.

General Burnside was absorbed in plans for regaining
the confidence of the army and of his chiefs in Washing
ton. He formed a design for crossing the river below
Fredericksburg, sending the cavalry under Averell to the
Rapidan to cross at Kelly's Ford and destroy communica-

240

CHANCELL ORSVILLE. 24 1

tion between General Lee and the Confederate capital.
The objection to this plan was that it necessitated cross
ing in view of the Southern army, for Lee could not be
depended upon to keep his eyes shut while the movement
was being effected.

On the 3<Dth of December, Averell, with the cavalry,
was at Kelly's Ford and the infantry was ready to move
when Burnside received an order from the President pro
hibiting him from taking any action without consulting
him. The commander offered his resignation, which was
not accepted. He asked permission of the President
either to resign or to move forward. Mr. Lincoln con
sented to the advance, and Burnside proceeded to put
into operation a new plan which involved the passage of
the river above Fredericksburg, and the surprise of Lee,
who expected him to cross at a lower point. In prepara
tion for this movement Sigel's corps was appointed to
guard Falmouth, and Couch was to make a demonstration
below Fredericksburg to divert the attention of the Con
federates. Roads were constructed. Banks's Ford, above
Fredericksburg, was selected as the point for crossing,
and on January 20, Franklin and Hooker bivouacked near
that point. Banks's Ford is a ford only in summer. In
January it must be crossed on bridges. All of the 2Oth
was spent in preparing for the passage.

Had the movement begun three days earlier, or had
the good weather prevailed three days longer, Burnside
might have had opportunity to fight down all the resent
ment which resulted from the battle of Fredericksburg.
On the night of the 20th, the rain began to flood the earth,
and by the 22d, the army, the artillery and wagons were
swamped in the sticky paste which is produced by the
combination of water and Virginia soil. Burnside was
still on the wrong side of the river, while the storm af

242 PICKETT AND HIS MEN*

forded Lee opportunity to range his army opposite, in
preparation to receive Burnside, if he should succeed in
crossing, and thus place himself between Lee's army and
a river that was too swollen to be passed. The Confeder
ate sharpshooters, watching the movements of the Army
of the Potomac as it endeavored to struggle through the
mud, called across the river to offer their services in as
sisting to build the bridges.

When the Army of the Potomac set out upon its dis
astrous expedition it destroyed many of the camps. Those
which were left proved now a welcome shelter. On the
22d, the army retreated, and on the 23d, reached its
former position, and the famous mud march was ended.
On the 25th, Burnside, at his own request, was relieved of
a command for which he had from the beginning felt
himself unfitted, and Major-General Joseph Hooker was
assigned to the vacancy thus created. Sumner, broken
by age and infirmity, was retired from active service, and
Franklin was deprived of his command, thus leaving
Hooker the senior general of this branch of the army.

" Fighting Joe" devoted himself with his usual energy
to the reorganization and drill of his army. President
Lincoln had written a private letter to the new commander,
which accompanied the order of appointment. After
commending him for his soldierly qualities and freedom
from political intrigue, and censuring him for his un
friendly criticisms of his predecessor, he closes thus:

I much fear that the spirit which you have aided to infuse into the
array, of criticising their commander and withholding confidence from
him, will now turn upon you. I shall assist you as far as I can to put it
down. Neither you nor Napoleon, if he were alive again, could get any
good out of an army while such a spirit prevails in it. And now beware
of rashness, but with energy and sleepless vigilance go forward and give
i;s victories.

CHANCELLORSVILLE. 243

Officers were required to have their absent men re
turn. A system of furloughs was established. Presi
dent Lincoln granted amnesty to all deserters who re
turned by the first of April. Recruits began to come in.
The cavalry was placed under command of Stoneman,
an able officer, but not a great cavalry leader. The dash
ing ardor of "Fighting Joe" infused new spirit into the
army and won the confidence of all who love a dazzling
warrior, and who does not? Perhaps the most peaceable
soul on earth is not dead to the thrill which a martial
hero excites.

Lincoln visited the army and reviewed the troops. A
Northern writer has said that "every visit he made to the
army was equal to the addition of a new brigade." As he
left he gave Hooker and Couch this final warning: "I
want to impress you two gentlemen — in your next fight
put in all your men." We shall see how well the injunc
tion was obeyed.

By the end of April Hooker had what he called "the
finest army on the planet," but it would not remain so long.
He must fight an early battle, or lose the assistance of
forty-one regiments whose time would expire.

Lee expected either that Hooker would cross by the
upper fords, or that he would move against Richmond.
Longstreet laid out lines of defense for these fords, and
was then ordered with the divisions of Hood and Pickett
and the artillery of Bearing and Henry to a point near
Petersburg to meet the possible movement on to Rich
mond. McLaws and R. H. Anderson remained to finish
the work in connection with the fords. It was important
to Hooker that he attack Lee in the absence of Long-
street and his divisions. Lee's cavalry was also much
worn by its series of brilliant raids, so dashing and suc
cessful that a Northern writer has said in connection with

244 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

them: "Nothing that might be asserted of Confederate
audacity or Federal imbecility is absolutely incredible."

Lee was rapidly recruiting his army by conscription,
and by the return of sick and wounded who had suffi
ciently recovered to report for service. D. H. Hill was
sent to North Carolina, and his division was placed under
Rodes. Early retained his command, and Trimble led
Jackson's old division.

In order to take advantage of every point in his favor,
Hooker planned an attack upon Chancellorsville, a short
distance from Fredericksburg, intending to cross the river
by the two fords above the junction of the Rapidan with
the Rappahannock, these fords having been left un
guarded.

The heavens seemed to be as strongly opposed to the
progress of the new commander as they had been to that
of his predecessor. Heavy rains delayed action until the
27th, when the march began, and on the 28th the passage
across the river was effected by way of Kelly's Ford on
the Rappahannock above the mouth of the Rapidan,
twenty-seven miles from Fredericksburg, by the Eleventh
and Twelfth Corps under Howard and Slocum, and the
Fifth Corps under Meade. The next day the Rapidan
was easily crossed, and Chancellorsville was reached on
the 3Oth, when Couch crossed on a pontoon at the United
States Ford. Meanwhile the remainder of the army had
crossed below Fredericksburg. On May I, Sickles ar
rived in Chancellorsville. So far, the bold movement of
Hooker had succeeded.

When, on the 3Oth of April, 1863, the Federal com
mander rode up to the one house which at that time con
stituted Chancellorsville, conscious of being followed by
seventy thousand men, he probably felt in every nerve his
confident words: "I have Lee's army in one hand and

CHANCELLORSVILLE. 245

Richmond in the other." He was to learn later that his
birds were in the bush instead of in the hand. With
heartfelt satisfaction he announced to the Army of the
Potomac that the "enemy must either ingloriously fly"
or present himself "where certain destruction awaits
him." General Hooker was new to command, and had
the over-enthusiasm of youth.

Hooker seemed to have exhausted himself in the
crossing. He suddenly ceased to be " Fighting Joe," and
became waiting Joe. His boasted ground upon which he
had expressed his confident intention of devoting the
Confederates to destruction appeared to be well adapted
to the purpose, but he waited nearly twenty-four hours
before proceeding to put his design into execution.

Lee left Early to hold the heights of Fredericksburg
against Sedgwick, and hastened the rest of his forces on to
Chancellorsville during the evening and midnight of the
3<Dth. On the morning of May I, his cavalry met Sykes's
division and a sharp skirmish followed. Lee's cavalry
skirmishers were repulsed, but Hooker, instead of sup
porting his advanced columns, ordered them to fall back
to their old positions. In spite of all remonstrance,
Hooker insisted upon his order, and the Federals fell back,
thereby relinquishing the ground which Hooker had in
the beginning so proudly claimed as "our ground," and
losing the battle of Chancellorsville in advance. The
positions thus yielded were occupied by the Confederates,
who placed their batteries on the ridges running in the
direction of the Federal lines, and enfiladed the retreating
troops. Night closed upon a field in which the Confeder
ates were well posted for offensive operations, while
Hooker was very weakly fortified for defense.

In the morning, Lee kept up a fierce cannonading along
his right and center to conceal the movements of Stone-

246 PICKETT AND HIS MEN: 9

wall Jackson, whom he sent with twenty-six thousand men
to attack the Federal right. To accomplish the movement
required the careful effort of an entire day, but it was suc
cessfully effected. A little before six o'clock in the after
noon, when the Federal troops on the right of the Union
line, unconscious of danger, had stacked their arms and
were preparing their supper, they were surprised by a sud
den burst of Jackson's men from the forest, before which
they fled in confusion, suffering great loss in the rout.

Jackson's movement had been observed early in the
day and reported to Hooker, who imagined it to be a re
treat. Wavering in this supposition at one time, he sent
a warning to Slocum and Howard on the right, but it
never reached them. The surprise was complete.

Hooker hurried up and ordered Birney's division,
formerly his own, to charge with the bayonet. This move
ment resulted in checking the onset of Jackson and forc
ing him into the woods commanding abandoned intrench-
ments where some Federal guns were left unprotected.
In a moment the Confederates would seize them and turn
them upon their former possessors.

It was in front of these batteries, though not through
them, that the darkest shadow which had yet fallen upon
the Southern cause lowered down into a starless night. It
was here that Stonewall Jackson fell, shot down by the
men who would have given their lives at any moment to
save him. On that moonlit evening in May, when vic
tory had perched upon the banner of the South, when the
heart of the Confederacy thrilled with exultant hope, he
whom a Northern writer has called "that thunderbolt in
war," the leader whose presence meant victory, the man
from whose deep eyes flashed forth the signal-flame of
triumph, the soldier in whose voice rang the battle-cry
to which all Southern hearts responded, furled his flag

CHANCELLORSVILLE. 247

and left the field forever. As has been truly said by a
Northern historian, it is doubtful whether all the advan
tages gained to the Southern cause in the battle of Chancel-
lorsville were not dearly purchased by the loss of Thomas
Jonathan Jackson. He died at Guiney's Station, Virginia,
on the loth of May.

Pleasanton, having gained an aggressive position, pro
ceeded to fortify it, arranging batteries and constructing
roads across the marshy ground, until he had so strength
ened his position that he thought, with the support of
Sickles's infantry, he could maintain himself against all
Lee's army. By unremitting efforts during the night of
the 2d, Sickles succeeded in recovering a part of the
ground and some of the guns which had been lost the day
before, but upon reporting to Hooker was surprised by
an order to fall back to Chancellorsville. Thus the key of
the military position was abandoned by the Federals, and
the Confederates seized it to unlock the door of success.

On the 3d, thirty Confederate guns were placed upon
the point of vantage and, covered as Lee's army was by
thick woods which concealed it from the opposing force,
it was no difficult matter to hold at bay the disorganized
Federals, who were unnerved by disaster, and disabled by
ignorance of the geography of the dense forest in which
they could never know anything about the magnitude of
the force they were to encounter.

Sickles was attacked by the old corps of Jackson, now
commanded by Stuart, the men crying out as they ad
vanced: " Remember Jackson!" Stuart was singing, with
gleeful appreciation, "Old Joe Hooker, come out of the
wilderness." Sickles's men fought, as one of their officers
said, " like devils," but a flanking fire from the artillery on
the ground which they had relinquished that morning by the
order of the commanding general, and a furious front attack

PICKETT AND HIS MEN. '

by the Confederate infantry caused them to retire to a line
which they succeeded in holding to the end of the day.

The roads centering at Chancellorsville passed under
control of the Confederates, who pressed forward until
Stuart, fighting the Union right, effected a junction with
Lee's main army.

As the Union forces fell back, the Confederate artil
lery was brought more into play, and the Chancellor House,
where Hooker had his headquarters, was soon under fire.
Hooker was struck by a falling column and for a while
was supposed to be dead. Much time was lost before he
became conscious, and his dazed condition for the rest of
the day rendered him incapable of determinate direction.

Sedgwick waited at Fredericksburg until the night of
the 2d, when he received orders to destroy the Confeder
ate force and march at once to Chancellorsville, falling
upon Lee's rear while Hooker attacked him on the front.
To do this, the heights of Fredericksburg must be scaled,
Early driven off, and a march of eleven miles effected.
These arduous duties were so far accomplished as to bring
him out upon the Chancellorsville road in pursuit of
Barksdale's Mississippians, with Banks's Ford in his rear,
affording him an opportunity of recrossing the river
should it become necessary. Here he was met by Mc-
Laws, sent by Lee to stop Sedgwick's progress.

Sedgwick soon found that he must either avail himself
of the opportunity of retreat furnished by the proximity
of Banks's Ford, or fight the whole Army of Northern
Virginia, with no support from Hooker, whose despatches
indicated a vacillation of mind which foreboded no good
to any one whose safety depended upon prompt action by
'-^e commander-in-chief.

CHANCELLORSVILLE, 249

Lee, no longer apprehensive of an attack from the
main army, was able to concentrate himself upon Sedg-
wick and, reoccupying the heights of Fredericksburg, at
tacked him on the flank and during the night forced him
across the river with a loss of five thousand men.

The next day, the 5th, passed quietly, and in the even
ing Hooker determined to recross, a movement which he
effected without molestation from the Confederates. The
only obstacle to his withdrawal was a violent storm which
flooded the river. From the north side of the river on
the 6th of May, Hooker issued a congratulatory order in
which he claimed, if not a victory, technically speaking,
.at least most of the advantages of one. The South, how
ever, and the Army of the Potomac, the Northern people
and the administration at Washington, all united in re
garding it as a defeat, which further demoralized the Army
of the Potomac and dispelled all illusions regarding
'" Fighting Joe" as a great military leader.

Not quite a month had passed since Lincoln had given
his parting charge to the two commanders. Notwithstand
ing this injunction from one in whom common sense well
took the place of strict military training, over forty thou
sand men, eager for the fray, had been left inactive.

CHAPTER XXXI.

THE HIGH TIDE OF THE CONFEDERACY.

At no time since the lightnings of war had flashed their
signal of terror across the continent had the cause of the
South risen so high, nor that of the North sunk so low, as
in the spring of 1863. The Confederacy had reached its
high tide.

From the beginning of the conflict the nations of
Europe had seized upon the opportunity of "feeding fat
the ancient grudges" they bore the United States. They
saw in the new departure of the South the beginning of
the fall of the republic and, like vultures, they hovered
over the scene of the contest ready to swoop down when
the carnage should be over and the field left quiet that
the birds of prey might gorge themselves. They were
ready to proffer assistance to any cause which seemed to
be in line with their own ambitions, and thus gave to the
South their self-interested sympathy.

Spain, always sensible of the dangerous influence of a
vigorous republic so near her own oppressed and down
trodden insular possessions, had lost no time in signify
ing her approval of the Southern movement. Within
six months from the time the first gun at Fort Sumtcr
had sent a shudder through the great republic and thrilled
the world with the first thunders of the storm that had for
so long sent its premonitory mutterings through the
trembling air, she had given formal recognition to the
dawning independence of the struggling new nation, thus
affording it a moral support which would resolve itself

250

HIGH TIDE OF THE CONFEDERACY. 251

into practical aid when other nations should have been
induced to follow her example.

England, actuated by her unfailing policy of seizing
everything in sight which can be laid hold of without
danger to herself, was more than ready to give assistance
to any cause which seemed to promote her own designs.
Early in the war the strongest man in the British Parlia
ment had risen in the House of Commons to advocate
the acknowledgment of the Southern Confederacy, on the
plea that England could successfully rival the North and
South separately, but she never could while they re
mained one. Only the presence of the Russian fleet near
the coast of South America, and the well-known fact that
Russia would unite with any power on earth against her
ancient foe, England, prevented the British government
from accepting the overtures of Napoleon III. to that end.

Notwithstanding this obstacle, the advocates of the
Confederacy in England lost no opportunity of indicating
their desire for its success, and their intention of assisting
it in every way in their power. The Russian fleet would
not always be in American waters, and if it should be, a
combination of all the forces hostile to the United States
government would nullify the power of Russia to oppose
any effective bar to the designs of Great Britain.

Louis Napoleon, the inveterate enemy of the United
States, who had never believed in the power of the old
government to maintain itself, was looking forward with
ambitious aspirations to the time when the banner of the
South would float from the Capitol in Washington. He
had never forgiven the American Republic for the pur
chase of Louisiana, and still regarded the land involved
as rightfully belonging to France. He kept up a sem
blance of friendship with the government at Washington,
and in his efforts to plant himself so firmly upon Ameri-

»52 PICKETT AND HIS

can soil that he could never be uprooted, he made his
protestations of amity the cloak for every possible device
against the administration party. He strove to induce
other powers to join him in plots against the North, not
from any friendship for the South, but with the design, as
he expressed it to one of his confidants, of "restoring to
the Latin race on the other side of the ocean its force and
prestige." Should the South be successful, he hoped that
Louisiana and Texas, at least, might fall an easy prey into
his hands, thereby furnishing him with a territory larger
than all France, upon which he might experiment with his
scheme for Latin restoration.

Let the tide of war roll from the South to the North,
and foreign alliances would be made, loans would be
secured in London and Paris, supplies would be sent from
European ports, a fleet might be fitted out in foreign
waters for raising the blockade.

While the foreign assistance which might be expected
in the event of a successful aggressive movement was a
strong incentive to bold action, the situation in the North
seemed to indicate that such success would not be very
difficult of attainment. From the beginning of the war
the Northern States had been permeated with a Southern
element. Not all the friends of the South breathed the
magnolia-scented atmosphere of the sunny clime. They
flourished as vigorously, and almost as helpfully, in the
steely frosts of the North as in the pearly dews of the
South.

This element had been greatly strengthened by recent
events. The fatality which seemed to have followed with
the faithfulness of an echo the tramp, tramp, tramp of the
Northern army had encouraged the Southern sympathizers
and added to their number, while it had in like measure
disheartened and weakened the supporters of the North.

HIGH TIDE OF THE CONFEDERACY. 2$$

The measures of policy adopted by the administration
had an almost equal effect in depressing Northern senti
ment. The enthusiasm of volunteers in the beginning of
the war had paled and weakened through disaster, and
the growing reluctance to throwing away any more lives
on a cause that did not seem to be verging toward success
made it necessary to recruit the army by drafting. This
method was not in accordance with the deeply rooted
American sentiment of independence, and caused groat
dissatisfaction, which finally grew into riot.

In September, 1862, Lincoln issued the Emancipation
Proclamation, to take effect in January of the following
year. This policy did not meet the approval of many
who had until that time remained loyal to the North, and
had a strong influence in strengthening the anti-war party.

The suspension of the habeas corpus excited opposi
tion as an ultra war measure.

Before the close of 1862, the national debt had reached
the alarming proportions of $5 1 5,000,000. Americans have
never accepted the British view, that a public debt is a
safeguard to a nation, and they viewed these figures as a
menace to national honor and to future liberty.

The financial condition kept the public in that state of
irritation which is likely at any moment to develop into
revolt. Specie payments were suspended, and an irre
deemable paper currency threatened to swamp the coun
try. People were weary of watching the oscillations of
gold which followed every political or military movement.
They groaned under heavy taxation and equally heavy ex
penses for the most ordinary necessities of life. As prices
rose patriotism fell.

" The adverse conditions were intensified by the politi
cal situation at Washington, where politicians pulled wires
as vigorously as if no storm of fire and blood were sweep-

254 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. *

ing over the country to call the attention of all men to the
fact that there was something of more importance to think
about than personal schemes for the aggrandizement of
selfish partisans. A cabinet crisis, produced by the dif
ferences of radical and conservative members, supervened,
to the still further alarm and depression of the country,
and, though the excitement was promptly allayed by the
tact of Lincoln, it exercised its influence upon the nation,
and it might at any time be repeated.

The misfortunes which had overtaken the Federal
army during the year had greatly assisted the anti-war
party at the polls in 1862, and had resulted, among other
things unfavorable to the North, in the election of a man
of well-known Southern sympathies as governor of New
York.

The city of New York was the center of a Southern
element which had its ramifications in all the other great
cities of the North. Generally speaking, the North, un
like the South, is ruled by her cities. The great centers
of population, composed of representatives of many
nationalities, of diverse training and discordant political
and social beliefs, play the winning card in most of the
national games. In the South the community was more
homogeneous, and more united in battling for their cause.
Although many sons of the South still sheltered them
selves under the old flag, the South, in the main, stood
together in the gallant fight for nationality.

Most of these weaknesses of the North were known to
Lee, and to the whole South, and presented strong in
ducements to an aggressive movement upon Northern
soil.

The personal needs of the Army of Northern Virginia
were irresistible incentives to a raid which, if successful,
would provide the ragged, barefoot, hungry, suffering fol-

HIGH TIDE OF THE CONFEDERACY. 2$$

lowers of Lee with clothing and food that would support
them until the final blow could be struck, and win for the
South an unfailing store of supplies for the future.

For the greater part of four years the South had been
constantly supplying and never garnering. The men who
had formerly tilled the soil were now engaged in pursuits
that were not immediately productive, a«nd the willing
earth lay with all its treasures deeply hidden in its heart,
waiting for the hand of peaceful toil to reach down
and gather the wealth that would be so freely given for
the asking. In vain Mother Earth held there her glorious
fruitage, while her wayward children rushed murderously
on, trampling to death the fresh green carpet which she
had spread over her, as a living promise of what she would
give if they would accept. Rivers of blood overwhelmed
her, while she lay prostrate, with her jewels held to her
own heart, because her children would not stretch out their
hands and take them from her grasp.

Across the Pennsylvania line the verdant hills and gen
erous green valleys seemed to smile and beckon a loving
invitation to the starving, unclad Army of Northern Vir
ginia to come over and be fed and clothed. Nature is
neither Northern nor Southern — she is universal. If she
were let alone to carry out her will she would provide for
all alike. What wonder that hungry eyes looked long
ingly northward where her full garner offered abundant
stores!

Once across the line, Lee hoped to turn the tables and
give the Northern army a taste of warfare with an empty
commissariat. His first step would be to destroy the rail
roads and suspend communication from the North to the
Army of the Potomac. He would interrupt supplies and
reduce Hooker's army in a few days to the same condi
tion as his own.

256 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. .

The public sentiment of the South, having demanded
this movement, was looking forward with vivid imagina
tion to its possible results. The daily press thrilled the
popular heart with pictures of the devastation which would
accrue to the North and the consequent advantage to the
South of the invasion. The occupation of the principal
cities of Pennsylvania would cut the North in two. The
coal-fields would be destroyed and business would be
paralyzed.

Another incentive to Lee's aggressive action was the
necessity of relieving the pressure upon the west. Grant
was thundering at the gates of Vicksburg. A strong
movement toward the north might result in calling him
from Mississippi, and Rosecrans from Tennessee, back to-
Washington. If Vicksburg should fall, a success on
Northern ground would go far toward alleviating the bad
effects of that disaster.

To crown all, the Union army itself was believed to-
be dispirited by defeat. Want of harmony among its-
generals, especially between Halleck, the commander-in-
chief, and the commander of the Army of the Potomac,
gave promise of an easy victory.

The battle of Antietam had delayed Lee's raid, pro
jected in 1862, but subsequent events had seemed to point
to it as the one way to success.

In all the history of warfare, had ever a commander of
a great army resisted such alluring temptations as spread
themselves before Lee, as he looked across the Southern
border into the smiling meadows of the North gleaming
in the golden sunshine of June?

CHAPTER XXXII.

PENNSYLVANIA CAMPAIGN.

Lee disclosed his plan of campaign to General A. L.
Long, his military secretary, in the camp near Fredericks-
burg. He traced on the map the proposed route of his army.

His first thought was to maneuver Hooker out of his
position on the Rappahannock and force him to fight at
Chambersburg, York or, perhaps, Gettysburg. He was
confident of victory — a victory which meant the evacua
tion of Washington, and the recall of the Federal troops
from the siege of Vicksburg.

Lee had about sixty thousand veterans. The artil
lery, under Pendleton, aggregated two hundred guns.
The strength of the cavalry was about six thousand,
under Stuart, Hampton, Robertson, and Jones. The in
fantry was reorganized into three army corps, desig
nated as the First, Second, and Third Corps, commanded
by Longstreet, Ewell, and A. P. Hill.

On June 3, 1863, Longstreet began to push on to
ward Culpeper, followed by Ewell. A. P. Hill was left
in front of Fredericksburg to restrain Hooker from ad
vancing against Richmond, and to conceal the movements
of the main army. With unceasing vigilance he prevented
any communication between the two sides of the river,
capturing the scouts who had been sent out by Hooker to
ascertain Lee's movements. On the 5th Hooker sent a
corps to the south side of the river. As Hill perceived
that it was intended merely for observation, it was not
opposed.

17 257

258 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

The 8th of June Stuart's cavalry and the two corps under
Longstreet and Ewell concentrated near Culpeper. Here
Lee reviewed his cavalry, led by that brilliant meteor
which flashed vividly across the firmament of war, General
J. E. B. Stuart. The military ardor of this dashing cav
alier had not been satisfied by the excitement of real war,
and he had fought a mock battle for the entertainment of
his superior officer.

Real cannon thundered their grim message out upon the
winds, until the foe across the river thought a battle was
on and prepared hastily for whatever action might be re
quired as the situation should develop. The gallant ten
thousand who so gracefully performed their intricate evo
lutions under the leadership of the most famous cavalry
commander on the western continent, before the admiring
eyes of Lee and his staff, were, as Heth had said, "the
eyes and ears of the army."

Calmly upon his battle-horse, majestic and stately,
with the stars and bars waving protectingly over him as
if to promise him victory, Lee sat watching the mimic
fray, as a man who has been struggling through some
tragedy of real life, with death ir/ his soul, may go to the
theater to rest his wearied mind in the tinseled ebb and
flow of assumed emotions.

The Federal cavalry, under Pleasanton, crossed the
Rappahannock on the Qth of June to attack Stuart near
Brandy Station. The infantry assisted in driving it back,
large spoils remaining in Stuart's possession. Pleasanton
recrossed the river, carrying with him less artillery than
he had brought, but more information. Among the items
of knowledge which he had gained were the facts that
Ewell and Longstreet were not far from the Shenandoah
Valley, and that Lee's cavalry was a third stronger than
Hooker's. The fight at Brandy Station was o^ impor-

PENNSYLVANIA CAMPAIGN. 2$$

tance chiefly as being the first regular cavalry engage
ment of the war.

Lee's army was able to seize and hold all the fords of
the river, was secure from attack on the march, and when
it reached the valley was protected by the Blue Ridge.
Lee had drawn every available man. A like concentra
tion had not been effected by his adversary, owing to
the hostility of the commander-in-chief at Washington
against Hooker.

Lee, on June 10, despatched Ewell from Culpeper toward
the valley to capture Milroy. Imboden was at the same
time ordered to lead his horsemen as far as Romney, and
Jenkins moved down upon Winchester.

On the morning of the I2th of June the right wing of
the Union army, under Reynolds, was put in motion
toward Manassas, and the next day three other corps
were ordered to the northward.

On June 13 Ewell was in possession of Martinsburg,
Imboden held control of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad,
and Jenkins was pressing northward to Williamsport.
Longstreet was encamped at Culpeper. A. P. Hill was
at Fredericksburg. Hooker was trying, according to
orders, to maintain his position between Lee's army and
Washington.

Ewell, on June 15, gained a victory over Milroy at Win
chester, capturing four thousand prisoners and twenty-
nine guns, scattering Milroy's ten thousand, driving the
Federal garrison from Harper's Ferry, and crossing the
Potomac with his vanguard.

On the evening of June 15 Jenkins advanced toward
Chambersburg. Longstreet was moving out of Culpeper
to take the passes of the Blue Ridge. Hill was going
toward Culpeper.

The Confederate cavalry under Stuart, on the I7th,

26O PICKETT AND HIS MEN. m

met the Federal cavalry led by Pleasanton near Aldie
and drove it back. The next day the attack was renewed
and, Pleasanton having been reinforced by infantry, Stuart
was compelled to retire, having taken about four hundred
prisoners and some horses and arms.

At this time the Confederates were outstretched
from Culpeper, where A. P. Hill now was, to Cham-
bersburg, which had been raided by Jenkins. Ewell oc
cupied Hagerstown and Sharpsburg. Longstreet was
guarding the pass at the Blue Ridge. Stuart was at the
gap of the Bull Run Mountains, veiling the movements
of the army.

On June 18 Lee ordered his entire army to cross the
Potomac. Hill passed behind Longstreet's line through
Chester Gap into the valley and on to Shepherdstown
in search of Ewell. Longstreet, with Pickett's three bri
gades and the divisions of McLaws and Hood, followed
on after Hill. On the 2 1st, the division of McLaws was
sent back to support Stuart at Ashby's Gap in the Blue
Ridge. Imboden entered Pennsylvania, and Sam Jones
advanced into West Virginia.

Ewell, on June 23, swept up the Cumberland Valley to
ward Carlisle. Stuart was to pass around Hooker's rear,
cross the Potomac to the eastward of Hooker's army, and
come into touch with Ewell's advance at York. He easily
gained the point for which he had started, but failed in
his design of capturing supplies intended for the Union
forces, and was cut off from his own army. He left two
brigades under Robertson in the mountains with instruc
tions, it is said, to report to General Longstreet, though
Longstreet states that such order was not given. Thus
the Army of Northern Virginia was rendered blind and
deaf, being without its cavalry, "the eyes and ears of
an army." Stuart pushed on to Carlisle, and did not

PENNSYLVANIA CAMPAIGN. 26 1

know that a battle was fought at Gettysburg on the 1st of
July.

Lee had consented to his making this ride, expecting
that Stuart would be able to return by the time his serv
ices were needed. He was the ideal cavalry leader, bold,
dashing and ardent, impetuous of heart, and zealous in the
cause for which he fought, and Lee's army was indeed
blind and deaf without his sleepless vigilance. But
for the absence of such information as the cavalry could
have obtained for him in his northern invasion, who
knows what changes might have been wrought in the map
of the western hemisphere?

Hooker crossed the Potomac at Edwards's Ferry on
the 25th and 26th, and marched directly upon Frederick,
Maryland. Here he intended to send the Twelfth Corps
(Slocum's) through the South Mountain passes to the west
ward to join eleven thousand troops under General French
at Harper's Ferry, and attack Lee's rear, interrupting com
munications, capturing trains, and exposing him to a gen
eral attack. Halleck would not allow the troops to be
taken from Harper's Ferry, saying that Maryland Heights
must be held "as the key to Maryland." Hooker said
that it was useless to hold the key " now that the door
had been smashed in," and tendered his resignation, thus
snapping the already severely strained relations existing
between himself and the authorities at Washington. On
the 27th he was relieved from command. Assistant
Adjutant-General James A. Hardie was sent by special
train with the double order — one relieving Hooker, the
other appointing General George G. Meade to the com
mand of the Army of the Potomac. Thus the star of
Hooker went down at Chancellorsville, to remain in
eclipse until it rose again above the clouds of Lookout
Mountain.

262 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

About ten days earlier General Dix, at Fortress Monroe,
had been ordered to threaten Richmond, left with but a
weak defense. Troops were sent to Yorktown and the
White House. Seven thousand men under General Getty
moved to Hanover Junction to destroy Lee's communica
tions. General Keyes with about five thousand troops
went from White House to Bottom's Bridge on the Chicka-
hominy, clearing the way for an advance on Richmond.
On the 1 5th his command was only fifteen miles from the
city. For a time it was feared that Lee must be recalled
to the defense of Richmond. Reinforcements from the
south were sent up, the militia called out, and the danger
was over.

On the 24th and 25th Lee's entire force was north of
the river. They were surprised to find a country so rich,
and they seized all kinds of supplies, rigidly insisting upon
paying for them with Confederate scrip, explaining, when
the unwilling sellers objected, that if they gave their aid
to the invaders the money which they now viewed with
suspicion would be worth its face value.

Ewell, in advance of Lee, went from Chambersburg
to Carlisle, where he arrived on the 2/th of June with
the divisions of Rodes and Johnson, and Jenkins's cav
alry brigade. Early marched from Boonsboro to Green
wood and thence to York. Longstreet and Hill followed
Ewell and arrived at Chambersburg when Ewell reached
Carlisle. Lee's whole army was now in the State of
Pennsylvania, his advance threatening Harrisburg. Early
was to tear up the Northern Central Railroad at York,
and go on to Wrightsville. He desired to secure the
bridge at that place, as it would furnish a passage for Lee's
army across a difficult stream which would otherwise
present an impassable barrier. When he appeared the
Pennsylvania militia retreated across the bridge and set

PENNSYLVANIA CAMPAIGN. 263

fire to it. As Early could not cross the Susquehanna,
he returned to his corps.

At Chambersburg, Lee delivered an address with the
refrain, "Vengeance is Mine," and issued an order that
there should be no retaliation, and that private property
should not be destroyed.

Lee's army had been increased to its maximum
strength. Pickett's division had reinforced Longstreet's
corps. The Fourteenth Virginia Regiment marched to join
Pickett's division, and was afterward in time for the close
of the battle of Gettysburg, where it fought in Armistead's
brigade, and its colonel, James G. Hodges, was killed in
the great charge of July 3. So thoroughly had Lee con
centrated his army that when he suggested to President
Davis that Beauregard should make a demonstration upon
Culpeper to divert Hooker's attention Davis replied that
there were not enough men left to make it possible.

Jenkins had taken possession of Greencastle and
Chambersburg. At the latter place he proceeded to gather
in the supplies of which his army was in great need, pay
ing for them in the most liberal manner with Confederate
scrip. Of his commercial methods the editor of a Cham
bersburg paper said :

True, the system of Jenkins would be considered a little informal
in business circles; but it's his way, and our people are agreed to it, per
haps, to some extent, because of the novelty, but mainly because of the
necessity of the thing.

On Jenkins personally he commented thus:

He graduated at Jefferson College in this State, and gave promise
of future usefulness and greatness. His downward career commenced
some five years ago, when in an evil hour he became a member of Con
gress from Western Virginia, and from thence may be dated his decline
and fall.

264 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

Though there had been a sudden removal of all the sup
plies that could be carried into the mountains and across
the Susquehanna, yet Jenkins secured a goodly quantity,
which he handed over to the main army through Ewell,
who, for that purpose, remained between Hagerstown and
the Potomac. In addition to gaining provisions, this raid
was intended to induce Hooker either to uncover Wash
ington or to attack the Confederates and give Lee an op
portunity of fighting a defensive battle, in which he was
confident of success.

On Sunday, the 2ist of June, Jenkins attended church
with Ewell at Hagerstown. On Monday he returned
to Chambersburg, accompanied by Ewell's infantry and
Rodes's and Early's divisions, under Ewell's command,
and followed by Johnson.

General Imboden of the cavalry had broken up the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and destroyed the canal to
prevent troops from West Virginia from attacking Lee
upon the flank. Then he struck out for Fulton County,
having a skirmish on the way with a part of the First New
York Cavalry, and took possession of McConnellsburg.

The Cumberland Valley Railroad had also been de
stroyed, and so completely was communication interrupted
that the people of the North had yet no conception of
the magnitude of the raid, and their papers were still
holding out the view that the situation was by no means
alarming.

On the 28th of June, the movement of Ewell having
failed to draw the Federals from their mountain covert,
Lee determined to relieve the rear of his army from the
pressure which bore upon i:. With this design, he checked
the northern march by issuing a counter-order direct
ing the concentration of his army east of the mountains,
at Cashtown. This order recalled Hill's division from

PENNSYLVANIA CAMPAIGN, 265

the Susquehanna, which he had expected to cross in the
direction of Philadelphia or Harrisburg. His leading
division under Heth went to Cashtown on the 29th. On
the 30th, Hill, with Fender's division, marched for the
same place, and was followed, on July I, by R. H. Ander
son's division.

When the order came, Ewell, at Carlisle, was moving
forward to attack Harrisburg. He had with him the divi
sions of Rodes and E. Johnson and the reserve artillery.
Early's division was at York. In accordance with the
order to concentrate around Cashtown, on the 30th of
June, Rodes was at Heidlersburg, ten miles from Gettys
burg, Early was not far away, Johnson, with the reserve
artillery and trains, was near Green Village, twenty-three
miles from Gettysburg, and Stuart, having torn up the
railroad between Meade and Washington, was raiding
around York and Carlisle. Pickett's three brigades had
been left at Chambersburg under orders to guard -trains.

Meade advanced northward from Fredericksburg, and
made his headquarters at Taneytown, fourteen miles south
east of Gettysburg, and about a mile north of Pipe Creek,
where he expected to fight the coming battle. His First
Corps, under Reynolds, was at Marsh Creek, six miles from
Gettysburg, and the Sixth, under Sedgwick, at Manchester,
to the south. Hunt, general in command of the artillery
of the army, was with Meade at Taneytown, and Kil-
patrick's, Gregg's, and Buford's cavalry were at Hanover,
Manchester and Gettysburg. The rest of the Army of the
Potomac was scattered around Gettysburg at Uniontown,
Bridgeport, Union Mills, Emmitsburg and Littletown.

On this momentous closing day of June, 1863, wondrous
with startling results, Stuart was moving from Hanover
toward York with the fatal captured wagon-train of two
hundred mule teams. He passed within seven miles of

266 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

Early's bivouac, that leader failing to warn him of the
southward march. All unconscious of his proximity to
his friends, he moved on toward Carlisle, while Lee anx
iously awaited his coming, hoping to capture Harrisburg
and offer determined battle at Cashtown.

At sunset the heads of the two armies, each ignorant
of the presence of the other, were close together. Twi
light crept up softly from the distant forest and threw
her purple veil over the mountains which grew wraithlike
in its magic folds. The mists floated upward from the
streams that made rippling, silvery lines through the
grass-grown valley and quivered in changeful beauty in
the shimmering air. Night came gently down, radiant
with stars, fragrant with flower-laden breezes, musical
with sweet summer sounds, peaceful as sleep, but with
that solemn quietude with which sleep deepens into
death.

Such were the surroundings of the approaching armies.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

GETTYSBURG — FIRST DAY.

All through the ages has nature provided for coming
events. With prophetic wisdom she foresees the cata
clysms that yet lie hidden in the mysterious future,
and brings all the forces of the universe to prepare for
them.

Thus, looking adown the far slope of time, she saw a
great battle in which questions that had heretofore weak
ened the unity of the nation should be settled at count
less cost of blood and treasure, and prepared for that
mighty conflict a fitting field.

She created a rolling plain and proceeded to fortify it
with her own matchless defenses.

First, she fanned the subterranean fires which propelled
the gigantic machinery of the planet till they flamed up
with an intensity that rent the surface of the earth and
threw out great masses of material, stored there through
all the ages, waiting for their appointed time.

Of this material a ridge was formed to the south of
the wide plain in the shape of a fish-hook — a deadly hook
it would sometime prove to be, on which many a victim
would be impaled. At the point of the hook she built
an eminence, afterward called Wolf's Hill, appropriately
enough, for were not wolfish deeds to be done there at a
future bloody time?

At the barb of the hook she made another mountain-
peak which in time was known as Gulp's Hill. Between
them she caused a sparkling stream of water to flow, so

267

268 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

hedged around and protected by magnificent and pic
turesque rocks that in after time it was known as Rock
Creek.

The gigantic stem of the hook was formed by a suc
cession of hills whereon there was later a sacred spot in
which the earthly forms of loved ones, whose souls had
passed beyond into the higher phase of life, were laid to
rest with loving, tender care, beneath green sod radiant
with the bloom of flowers watered by tears of love and
hope. From this peaceful and holy place the chain took
the name of Cemetery Ridge, a faithful prophecy of its
destined purpose.

The stem ends in two hills, Round Top and Little
Round Top, the two keys which some day would lock
and unlock the military treasure of the great Cemetery
Ridge.

A short distance northwest of Little Round Top was a
cavern formed of piles of enormous rocks, wild and rugged
and sinister-looking. So filled was it with appalling sug
gestions and terrifying appeals to a sensitive imagination
that it had received the name of Devil's Den. It came
to pass in later days that, resounding with reports of
deadly musketry, shrouded in smoke and flaming with
fire, it bore well its demoniac name.

Between the Round Tops and Devil's Den flows a lit
tle marshy stream known as Plum Run — name of gentle
suggestions dear to the heart of the farmer's child. It is
associated with summer orchards, with red fruit dropping
down, with appetizing suppers in the soft gloaming of the
summer day, with the sweet smell of the clover wafted
up from the southern hillside meadow on the gentle
wings of the summer air, and the luscious crimson fruit
lying temptingly among green leaves on the white-draped
table.

GE TTYSB URG — FIRST DA Y. 269

Westward from Cemetery Hill, beyond a valley from
half a mile to a mile wide, extending north and south, is
another range not quite so tall, crowned by a magnificent
growth of oak-trees, from which it has the name of Oak
Ridge. Afterward a theological seminary was built there
and the chain became known as Seminary Ridge.

All around nature left her choicest gifts of beauty and
fascination, that the region might secure in the coming
ages a concentration of the forces which should pave the
way for the march of armies.

In time, peach- and apple-orchards filled that peaceful
valley with pink and white beauty. When summertide
came, fields of wheat waved to the wind between the two
sheltering ranges of hills. The fruits of the earth gave
luxurious cheer to the happy dwellers in that beautiful
plain when the bloom of the flowers floated upward into
the crimson of the autumn leaves.

Nature having erected her offensive and defensive
posts and surrounded the place with impregnable fortifi
cations, it remained for man to do his part in preparing
this ground for its awful destiny.

This he did by constructing numerous roads which,
converging to it from all sides, caused it to be compared
to "the hub of a wheel, receiving spokes from every
direction." These roads were intended by those who
constructed them as assistants in the peaceful vocations
of life. Unwittingly, they were adapted to aid in the
bloody harvest of death.

A road from Chambersburg led down from the north
west, the Carlisle road from the north, the Harrisburg road
from the northeast, the York road from the east, the Balti
more road from the southeast, the Taneytown road from
the south, the Potomac roads from the southwest. Con
venient avenues they proved in after years for the guid-

2/O PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

ance of those who had long been warring with each other
across the historic river.

The selection of a battle field is of no less importance
than its preparation away back in the geologic ages. The
field for the greatest battle of the war between the States
had been set apart for that purpose by a series of what
might be regarded as trivial circumstances, were it not
for the well-known fact that there are no trifles in the
realm of destiny.

The general-in-chief of the Army of Virginia and the
commander of the Army of the Potomac each had con
victions about the proper field for the battle. Lee chose
Cashtown, as affording a strong background of mountains
as a defense; Meade had set his martial mind upon fight
ing at Pipe Creek. In the selection of battle-fields, gen
erals propose, but Mars disposes.

By his untrammeled will does the god of war choose
the stage for the unfolding of each scene in his blood-red
drama. Having made his selection, he leads thither his fol
lowers by some slight incident in which his hand is unseen.

The armies were guided to the field on which was to be
fought the decisive battle of the Civil War by the somewhat
homely detail of shoes. These minor articles, which have
been rendered daily necessities by a highly evolved and
complicated state of society, have played an important
part in history; as, for example, the sandals that betrayed
the unfortunate Empedocles and destroyed a faith upon
which a whole school of philosophy depended for intel
lectual and moral salvation.

So, it happened that shoes which had never been on mor
tal feet — phantasmal shoes, which may have existed only
in the imagination — evanescent shoes, eagerly sought but
never found — though devoid of guiding feet, even ghostly
ones, led the way to the battle-field of Gettysburg.

GETTYSBURG — FIRST DAY. 27!

Heth called for the shoes to supply the needs of his
soldiers, and Pettigrew set out for Gettysburg to procure
them. Pettigrew did not find the shoes which he ex
pected, but he did find two brigades of Buford's cavalry
which he did not expect, and, being unprepared for the
encounter, he fell back to Marsh Creek, half-way to Cash-
town.

Hill, supposing that merely a detachment of cavalry
was in Gettysburg, sent Heth and Pender of his division
on from Cashtown with battalions of artillery under
Pegram and Mclntosh, thus precipitating a battle with two
of Meade's corps whom Buford had summoned to his aid.

The little white village of Gettysburg nestled peace
fully in the greenery between the two ridges on that early
July morning when the Army of Northern Virginia was
hastening to concentrate itself upon the little town.

The vapors of the recent rains yet hung in purple
glooms over the valley, and the morning sun, struggling
through, struck sharply against them and shattered them
into prismatic tints that shed a glory over the scene and
crowned the summit of South Mountain with a jeweled
circlet.

Before a storm all nature stands in hushed expectancy.
The winds sleep in their far-off caves of rest. The air is
motionless, and the earth breathes not. There is not the
faintest quivering in the leaves of the mighty forest. The
birds cower timidly, hidden away among the shady
branches, their wings folded, their voices hushed in ter
ror. The clouds droop heavily over the earth and do not
seem to move. Earth and sea and sky, all trembling, wait.

So, in the silence of the night of the 3Oth of June, the
two armies concentrated their forces amid a hush un
broken, in preparation for the mighty conflict that should
shake the continent.

PICKETT AND HIS MEN. m

Lee spent the night of the 3Oth in Longstreet's camp
in consultation, and the next morning the two generals
rode through the mountain pass to the field of the ap
proaching conflict. As they went they heard the reports
of cannon shivering the silence of the soft June air. Lee
left Longstreet and hastened toward Gettysburg.

On the west of Gettysburg, beyond Seminary Ridge,
is Willoughby Run, the companion stream to Rock Creek
on the east. Here the Union troops, under Gamble, were
stationed, extending to the Hagerstown road, the reserve
being massed along the ridge which descends from Oak
Hill in advance of Seminary Hill. The artillery was so
displayed as to enfilade three roads. Thus it awaited the
approach of Heth rapidly advancing along the Cashtown
road.

Heth deployed his two advance brigades, Davis's on the
left and Archer's on the right, south of the Chambersburg
road. About eight o'clock, the Confederate line descended
the wooded slope of the right bank of Willoughby Run,
and the battle of Gettysburg, that wonderful event which
resulted from so many unforeseen accidents and apparent
trifles, was opened; the first battle upon the soil of a
Northern State had fairly begun, the battle which was to
decide how the map of the continent should in future be
drawn — perhaps the map of two continents, for all Europe
was watching the conflict with an intensity of interest not
based solely upon altruistic grounds.

The banks of the little stream became the scene of a
fierce conflict. Before the furious onset of Heth's divi
sions, Buford held his ground by a desperate effort, endeav
oring to gain time for Reynolds to arrive. He directed
in person the fire of his artillery, prepared to lead back
his small command to Cemetery Hill should it become
necessary. Hill, at Cashtown, had heard the echo of the

GE TTYSB URG — FIRST DA Y. 273

cannon and had left his bed of illness to hasten to the
conflict.

When Buford was about to give the order for retreat
the signal-officer in the observatory of the Seminary, look
ing anxiously out to see if, perchance, he might find some
hope for the Union cavalry, descried a column of infantry
marching up the Emmitsburg road. He needed no glim
mer of stars and stripes, no familiar battle-cry, to tell
whether friend or foe was advancing. Only friends could
come up that road. For the moment, Buford was saved.
Reynolds had come, bringing with him the information
that Wadsworth's division was near.

It was forty-five minutes past nine o'clock when Buford
dashed pell-mell down the belfry-stairs to greet Reynolds
with the somewhat profanely graphic statement, "The
devil is to pay." " But we can hold on till the First Corps,
comes," was the confident reply, and the two friends, with
the battle-ardor hot upon them, galloped into the storm
to cheer the sinking hearts of Gamble's men on the hotly
contested banks of Willoughby Run. At ten o'clock,
Wadsworth's division, only two brigades, one under Cut
ler and the other Meredith's Iron Brigade, whose metal
would be thoroughly tested that day, presented a glitter
ing array on Seminary Hill.

West of Willoughby's Run was a small triangular piece
of woodland which, for the Federals, became the scene of
the greatest tragedy of the first day of Gettysburg. It
reached almost to the summit of a ndge southwest of Oak
Hill, and if Archer secured it he would have a safe cover
for his attack. The advantage of this position was im
pressed upon the minds of the opposing leaders at the
same time. Reynolds and the Iron Brigade entered the
wood and in the contest which followed Reynolds was
shot. He was a Mexican veteran, a military leader of re-
is

274 iUCfTETT AND HIS MEN.

markabie power, who was described by Meade as the
noblest and bravest of all whom the Army of the Potomac
lost on the field of battle.

Meredith's soldiers pushed on, and Archer was so
quickly surrounded that he had no opportunity of com
municating with Heth, and was compelled to surrender.

As Heth was preparing to renew the attack Double-
day received reinforcements, among them Stone's brigade
of Pennsylvania " Bucktails," who were posted on the
right of McPherson's Wood, where they were vigorously
attacked by Pettigrew. "We have come to stay!" they
cried as they took their places. General Doubleday said
afterward, "They kept their word; for the ground was an
open one, the position extremely exposed, and a large num
ber of them fell upon that spot, never to leave it again."

Noon brought Howard's corps, the Eleventh, two divi
sions of which were posted on Seminary Ridge, and the
other as reserves on Cemetery Hill.

In the meantime Ewell, at Heidlersburg, had heard
the cannon, and had been marching from early morning
at the head of his veteran troops, and now swept down
like a whirlwind upon Howard. The right flank wavered
and broke beneath the onslaught of Rodes as he came
southward from Oak Hill. Rodes having marched dur
ing the morning in the direction of Cashtown before he
received instructions to proceed to Gettysburg, had un
fortunately lost two hours at a time when hours were too
valuable to be estimated in terms of any other precious
article.

Ewell had been detained for a time by the Federal
cavalry. He did not wish to become seriously engaged
in battle until he heard from Early, who was to come
from Heidlersburg. The importance of Oak Hill as a
post of vantage impressed him at once, and he directed

GETTYSBURG— FIRST DAY. 2?$

Rodes to take possession of it. The arrival of Ewell on
the Heidlersburg road would bring him to the rear of
Doubleday, who would thus be imprisoned between him
and Hill with whom he was fighting. This would more
than compensate for Howard's reinforcement.

Sickles was marching to the field, and Howard's line
must be held until he came. Howard had not perceived
the danger descending from the north, and directed Schurz
to post Schimmelpfennig on Oak Hill, which he was pfo-
ceeding to do when Rodes appeared upon the desired
point. Just then Howard learned of the approach of
Ewell, whose artillery opened fire obliquely upon Double-
day's line, and was weakly met by an ineffective counter-fire.

Ewell, coming down the Heidlersburg road, would
probably strike the position which Schurz was trying to
hold between Oak Hill and the Mummasburg road.

From the western slope of Oak Hill, Rodes's artillery
made incessant warfare on Doubleday's guns on the
Cashtown road and drove them back almost to the Semi
nary. Rodes sent O'Neal's brigade against Doubleday's
reserves who were advancing to his aid. From behind a
stone wall the Federals repelled O'Neal's desperate
charge. Already shattered by Howard's batteries it was
with great difficulty that O'Neal rallied when beyond the
reach of the fire. To the left the Union forces found an
other wall behind which they met the charge of Iverson,
and just at the crucial moment received reinforcements
sent by Doubleday.

Doubleday still held the points he had gained on Wil-
loughby Run. Meredith retained that tragic wood where
the Federals met with their saddest loss of the great battle.
Behind the chain of hills Cooper's batteries enfiladed the
slopes of Seminary Ridge from south to north.

Iverson's force made an attack here, vigorous but un-

2/6 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

availing, Daniel being far away and unable to arrive in
time to support the brave Iverson. With the aid of Pet-
tigrew he succeeded in driving Stone from his position.
A concerted attack against the First Federal Corps sent it
back to a cross-road between the Carlisle and the Mum-
masburg roads, a fence-lined road at which Schim-
melpfennig was able for a moment to reform his troops.

Ewell had been watching the waste of strength directed
against Doubleday, but now he saw in the distance a sure
harbinger of victory, Early coming up the Heidlersburg
road, the road which had brought so much comfort to the
Confederates since morning dawned.

Over the golden glory of the wheat-field, shining bril
liantly in the sun, was a silvery gleam of bayonets. No
fairer sight ever dawned upon the longing vision of a
soldier on the battle-field. The sound of their musketry
rang out in one grand report, and then they rushed to the
assault. The Eleventh Corps retreated in confusion, the
First continued the struggle for a time and fell back. The
woodland which had been held by the Federals since the
early morning contest was relinquished.

At four o'clock, Fender's three brigades held the first
line, covering Heth's exhausted troops. They advanced
toward Seminary Ridge where for a time they were
checked by Doubleday. Before sunset the Federals had
retreated to the little town and Hill held Seminary Ridge.
The Federals made an effort to hold the town but were
forced back to Cemetery Ridge, leaving four thousand of
their number prisoners in the town, and abandoning in the
streets two cannon which were secured by Ewell.

Early was informed by one of his brigadiers, " Extra-
Billy " Smith, that the Confederate left was threatened by
a Federal force approaching on the York road. Gordon
was sent to ward off this supposed danger. This left

GE TTYSB URG — FIRST DA Y. 2JJ

only the brigades of Hoke and Hays to help Ewell
pursue the Union forces and wrest from them the cov
eted hill. Far up on the rugged height was a deadly
crest of frowning guns rolling their awful thunder across
the valley. Their lightnings flashed like merciless swords
through the heavy clouds of battle-smoke. Gordon was
still absent, and the brigades of Rodes were exhausted
with heavy marching and yet heavier fighting. Ewell
was brave, but there are times when even the bravest
dare not.

Hill's two divisions had been engaged in the recent at
tack against the First Corps and he was not willing to send
them again into battle. Longstreet's men had not been
able to pass Swell's wagon-train. Johnson had eighteen
rniles to march and had not arrived, and Anderson was in
the rear of Johnson. When Johnson's division, which was
the first reinforcement, came up, the sun had set and the
plan of attack was abandoned.

Johnson took position at Rock Creek, intending to oc
cupy Gulp's Hill, almost joining Cemetery Hill on the
east. Had he mounted a battery on Gulp's Hill the Fed
eral position on Cemetery would have become untenable.
Ewell also thought of taking possession of Gulp, and
would not fall back to Seminary Ridge, in accordance
with Lee's suggestion.

At four o'clock, Hancock arrived, took command of
the defeated Union army and became the savior of the
battle of Gettysburg to the Federals. The Eleventh
Corps reformed around Von Steinwehr across the Taney-
town and Baltimore roads. Hancock placed two of
Doubleday's divisions on the heights resting on the Em-
mitsburg road. Wadsworth's division was stationed on
Gulp's Hill, which commands the valley of Rock Creek,
faces Wolf's Hill and Benner's Hill, and protects Ceme-

278 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

tery Hill, a position the importance of which could not
be overestimated in the crisis at which the fortunes of the
Army of the Potomac had arrived.

At the time of Hancock's arrival on the field Lee stood
on the heights opposite and looked over at Cemetery and
Gulp's. At his feet was Gettysburg filled with Ewell s
victorious Southrons, flaming with ardor, strong with the
intoxicating wine of success. Above were the slopes of
Cemetery Hill, covered with defeated, disorganized, panic-
stricken men, with no dominant mind to reduce them to
order. One glorious rush across that blood-drenched
vale, and another flag might proudly float over the seas
of the world.

Lee could not know the weakness of the opposing
force. He knew that his own army was scattered. Long-
street's men had marched all day and did not reach Wil-
loughby Run until midnight. A general engagement
could not be risked in the absence of so large a part of his
army. "Gentlemen, we will attack the enemy in the
morning as early as practicable," said General Lee at the
close of a conference with his generals.

Although Lee had said before leaving Virginia that
he would not fight an offensive battle, the events which
had taken place in his absence had produced a situa
tion which rendered it very difficult to carry out his
original purpose. He had captured more prisoners than
he had lost and, though suffering greatly by the casual
ties of the first day, he had inflicted heavy losses on
the Federals and driven them from their strong posi
tion. He had taken possession of the field and of the
town. He had every reason to be satisfied with the
work of his army. In his report, having set forth the
situation which resulted from the events of the first day,
he continues:

GETTYSBURG — FIRST DAY. 2/9

Encouraged by the successful issue of the engagement of the first
day, and in view of the valuable results that would ensue from the defeat
of the army of General Meade, it was thought advisable to renew the
attack.

At five o'clock the Federals, under the skilful manage
ment of Hancock, were strongly posted on Cemetery Hill,
and held Gulp's Hill. Sickles and Birney were coming up
the Emmitsburg road with troops yet unworn by the
fatigue of battle. A little later Slocum arrived from
Taneytown with the Twelfth Corps, and to him Hancock
turned over the command.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

GETTYSBURG — SECOND DAY.

At daybreak on the 2d, Ewell's corps held the town of
Gettysburg, Benner's Hill, a ridge connecting Gulp's Hill
with Cemetery Hill, and a line from Gettysburg to Semi
nary Ridge, where the main army was drawn up.

On the ridge, Fender was at the left above the Semi
nary, Heth to the right, Anderson's division a mile and a
half to the rear on the Cashtown road between Marsh
Creek and Willoughby Run.

At four o'clock Hood, McLaws, and Anderson were
advancing toward Gettysburg while waiting for orders to
take position. Pickett was leaving Chambersburg, where
he had been left with his three brigades to guard trains,
and Stuart was quitting Carlisle in great haste to join Lee.

By nine o'clock in the morning the whole Confederate
army was assembled around Gettysburg, except Stuart's
cavalry and the five thousand infantry which Pickett could
bring into line. Had this concentration taken place
earlier, the attack could have been made against the scat
tered forces of Meade with every prospect of success.

Opposed to them was a force stretched along Ceme
tery Ridge, and a division on Gulp's Hill, with lines in
reserve. Meade came upon the field at one o'clock,
crossing the cemetery where, among the stones sacred to
the happy dead, the wretched living lay, stretched out in
a sorrowful death in life. Disturbed by the advancing
tread of the horses of Meade and his staff, some of the
exhausted men started up, looking like ghosts in the

280

GETTYSBURG — SECOND DAY. 28 1

light of the moon, and then lay down again, overcome by
a fatigue for which there could be no rest.

In the early dawn the Federal commander inspected
the position and placed his troops as they arrived. Slo-
cum was posted on Gulp's Hill, the barb of the fish-hook;
Wadsworth at his left; Howard at the bend on Cemetery
Hill, protected by the stone walls at the foot of the hill
and Steinwehr's guns at the crest.

When Hancock's corps, the Second, arrived at seven
o'clock in the morning it was placed on the stem of the
hook to the left of Cemetery Hill. Sickles, with the
Third Corps, who had come upon the field in the night,
was posted on Hancock's left. Reynolds's corps, the
First, commanded by Newton, who had been ordered
from the Sixth Corps for the purpose, was in reserve
at the east of the north part of the stem. Sykes, with
the Fifth Corps, was placed behind Round Top as a
reserve. It held this position until the arrival of the
Sixth Corps, under Sedgwick, which had marched- from
Manchester and was on the field at three o'clock Then
the Fifth Corps was moved forward to the extreme left
of the line and the Sixth took its place.

The Federal army occupied a space of about three
miles, and formed a convex curve which admitted of
ready condensation. Batteries gloomed darkly down
from the crest of the ridge. Signal-flags fluttered from
the tall peaks overlooking the valley. The line ex
tended southward from Cemetery Hill to the Round
Tops. It reached across the Baltimore road to the
woodlands of Rock Creek and the ravines of Wolf's
Hill. At nine o'clock Meade's army was posted and
waiting for the attack. As Meade was inspecting his
ground while Aurora was yet coyly flirting with day,
over on the opposite ridge Lee, Hill, Longstreet, and

282 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Hood were consulting in regard to preparations for the
coining ordeal.

Lee might retire into the passes of the mountains.
Then Meade would have to leave his strong position and go
after him, thus losing all he had gained, and being unable
to use to advantage the large reinforcements which had
come to his aid. This would look like a retreat, and hav
ing fairly won the first day Lee did not doubt his ability
to win the second.

He might wait where he was for Meade's attack,
which would draw the Army of the Potomac from its
stronghold and give Lee the advantage of position; but
he could not stay long concentrated upon the hills, for
he had no store from which to gain supplies. The ad
vantage would be upon the side of the enemy. More
over, the soldiers, full of the enthusiasm of success, would
not keep their martial fire through a period of waiting.

He must either draw Meade from his strong position,
or attack him where he was. He decided to take the lat
ter course, which was, perhaps, the more dangerous, but
it had the advantage of meeting the wishes of his soldiers,
upon whom retreat might have a demoralizing effect.

Longstreet urged a movement around Meade's left.
Lee rejected this plan, and expressed his impatience to
have Longstreet begin his attack.

"The enemy is here," he said, "and if we do not whip
him, he will whip us."

General Longstreet replied: "I never like to go into
battle with one boot off, and I would rather wait for
Pickett."

Lee ordered Longstreef to lead his corps into action
along the Emmitsburg road. General Lee then rode into
Gettysburg and to Ewell's headquarters. When Ewell
should hear the sound of the attack upon the left he was

GETTYSBURG— SECOND DAY. 283

to open on the right, and the center was to fall into battle
when the Federal line should appear to be shaken.

Two divisions of Longstreet were on the right, Hill cen
ter, Ewell left. Johnson's division was east of Gulp's Hill,
and Early and Rodes formed a line through Gettysburg.
To the right of Rodes was Fender's division. Extended
along Seminary Ridge were the other divisions of the
Third Corps. McLaws's division was opposite Sickles,
and Hood's three brigades were bearing directly upon
Round Top. Pickett's brigades were still at Chambers-
burg and did not reach the field until the third. Law
was marching from New Guilford. Along the eastern
edge of the ridge the artillery looked out ominously to
the enemy.

The Confederate army formed a deadly five-mile
crescent around Seminary Ridge and the east of Gettys
burg, its concavity turned hospitably to the enemy op
posite. It was sheltered by a dense growth of oaks and
pines on the top and the western slope of the ridge.

Down below mild-eyed cattle peacefully enjoyed their
early breakfast, all unwitting of the baleful schemes of
men. The golden wheat made a vivid sea of color, wav
ing gently in the wind of the beautiful summer morning.

Longstreet awaited the arrival of Law's brigade,
which reached the field at noon after a march of twenty-
eight miles in eleven hours. With the rest of Hood's
division it took position behind the right of the Third
Corps. Alexander's batteries were posted on Seminary
Hill.

Meade felt so strong in his position for defense that
he supposed Lee would also recognize his invincibility,
and would decline to attack him in front, confining his
operations to a flank movement which would turn him out
of his position. He held a council of his corpb com-

284 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. .

manders and, with their approval, directed Butterfield to
prepare a detailed order for the withdrawal of the troops
if his apprehensions should be verified. Longstreet's
guns broke up the conference and called Meade to the de
fense of his left.

Sickles had left his troops in charge of Birney and had
gone to the council in Meade's headquarters. When the
roar of the cannon called the chiefs back to their posts,
Meade followed Sickles, who was posted on ground that was
low and commanded by an elevation in its front, being
therefore untenable. He had applied for permission to
occupy more elevated ground half or three-quarters of a
mile in front. Receiving no order, and his outposts hav
ing been driven back, he took the ground connecting
with Round Top and Hancock, technically carrying out
instructions. This weakened his line and presented too
great a front for so small a corps. From the peach-or
chard it was refused to a wheat-field, forming a deadly
salient at the orchard, which has since held a gruesome
place in history as the " Bloody Angle." Meade felt un
certain as to whether this ground could be held, and sent
for reinforcements. Sickles proposed to fall back, but it
was too late. He was still further endangered by the re
moval of Buford's cavalry from the left, which had been
ordered away by Pleasanton.

The weak points of the line were covered as well as
possible by the five batteries of the Third Corps and three
others from the reserve artillery. Thirty pieces of cannon
defended the orchard. In the wheat-field were twelve
howitzers. A battery on Devil's Den commanded the
gorge of Plum Run and all the wooded slopes as far as
the Emmitsburg road.

Lee was quick to detect his advantage, and expected
to reach the crest of the ridge from this point. He directed

GETTYSBURG— SECOND DAY. 285

Longstreet to carry the position, while Ewell attacked the
high ground to the right. General Hill threatened the
center of the line.

Longstreet formed his line of battle, with Hood upon the
right and McLaws to the left, Anderson's division of Hill's
corps being on the left of McLaws. On an elevation to the
left he posted his artillery. Between three and four o'clock
the artillery engagement began with appalling effect on
both sides. The tide of battle rolled on with frightful ve
locity and power toward the peach-orchard and dashed
upon the fatal angle, open to attack upon two sides.

The artillery fire grew heavier, and Hood opened the
right to the east. He perceiv d the importance of Little
Round Top, hitherto left unguarded as a mere signal-
station, and ordered Law to the attack. Robertson
dashed forward against Devil's Den, and the fierce
struggle which took place among its rocky slopes well
proved its title to its name of ill omen.

When the charge upon Little Round Top began only a
thin Federal line, misty and insubstantial in the distance,
protected that coveted point. When Hood's valiant men
reached the frail barrier that had been like a gauze veil
floating in the air it had suddenly concentrated into a wall
of iron from which blazed forth blinding sheets of flame.

Warren had a short time before ascended Little Round
Top for the purpose of viewing the field, and had seen the
long line of bayonets winding in and out like a silver ser
pent among the leaves in the forest opposite. Recogniz
ing the importance of the hill on which he stood he per
ceived at once that the Confederates had also appreciated
its value, and that it was the object of this gleaming array
of arms.

When the signal-officers on the crest of the hill saw
the advance they furled their flags and prepared to leave

286 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

the position without a contest. Warren directed them to
unfurl their flags and signal for help. Sykes sent Colonel
Vincent with a brigade of the Fifth Corps to the foot of
Little Round Top. Hazlett's battery struggled up the
rocky acclivity and amid a heavy rain of bullets took posi
tion, circling the crest with a deadly coronet.

Colonel Patrick O'Rourke, with the One Hundred and
Fortieth New York, dashed up the hill and came face to
face with the almost victorious soldiers of Law climb
ing up the opposite side. The Federal muskets were
empty but there was no time to load. "This way, boys!"
shouted O'Rourke, drawing his sword and circling it high
in the air. Over the height he rushed and down the slope
into a sea of fire and smoke from which his gallant soul
went up above the warfare of the world.

Hood's Texans dashed again and again upon the flam
ing wall which protected Little Round Top. Again and
again they were driven back, only to rush forward once
more with still greater impetuosity. The gallant Hood,
the inspiration of the ardent Texans, was wounded and
Law led on the charge.

Vincent, defending the hill at its base, followed O'Rourke
beyond the battle. Weed fell upon the flame-girdled
crest, and Hazlett, bending over to catch his last dying
words, sank lifeless across the dying chief.

The valor of Hood's Texans and Law's men of
Alabama had not dimmed, but they had lost heavily in
their fierce charges. As they rushed again upon the
height they were cut in two and overwhelmed by " Cham
berlain's wedge," which was skilfully formed by accelerat
ing the motion of the center of the regiment, the Twen
tieth Maine, and retarding that of the wings.

Brave Texans, noble sons of Alabama, no more price
less treasure sanctifies the field of Gettysburg than your

GETTYSBURG — SECOND DAY.

life-blood which crimsoned the waves of Plum Run, rip
pling past the foot of Little Round Top.

In five minutes the Federals had gained the dominant
point of the second day's fight.

While the contest for Little Round Top was raging
McLaws and Anderson attacked the refused line of
Sickles, commanded by Birney, making the weak point
near the peach-orchard the object of the fiercest assault.

On the slopes of Plum Run was Meagher's Irish
brigade, with the golden harp shining brilliantly on that
field of green so dear to the sons of Erin, who have
borne their flag in triumph over the battle-fields of all
nations.

" Meagher of the Sword," who had gallantly led them to
battle on so many bloody fields, at whose signal they had
rushed up Marye's Height where the "blossoms of blood
on their sprigs of green " flower in immortal glory on the
rugged slopes, was not with them now. The Irish hero
had fallen a thrice-honored victim to the petty malice
which pervaded the War Department in Washington, and
had relinquished a position which his brave heart and
sensitive honor would not permit him longer to hold.

At the moment for joining the attack, the ranks knelt,
and the priest, their chaplain, from a natural pulpit of
stone, pronounced a general absolution. The command
"Forward!" followed and the Irish brigade rushed into
the fight and stopped Anderson's advance.

Alexander's guns poured destruction upon the " bloody
angle," moving forward in the desperate charge led by
Barksdale against that fatal salient. Under that impetu
ous assault Sickles's line fell back across the stone wall.
Sickles, standing with his staff at the Trostle House, was
struck by a ball which broke his leg and he was carried
into the house. The command was transferred to Birney,

288 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

Hancock having general supervision of the Second and
Third Corps.

To the west and south of the orchard the battle raged
with increasing fury. It spread over the wheat-field, and
the golden grain was crushed and stained with its crimson
flow. Out of five thousand men Birney's division had
lost two thousand. The batteries on the right of the line
were withdrawn, the left continued firing, retreating a
step at each discharge. As Birney's line fell back Hum
phreys, looking toward the west, swung with it to preserve
the line, leaving a weak point at the Emmitsburg road.

Three brigades were on the march to attack Hum
phreys, who had left half his troops on the field, and whose
flags alone showed that but a short time ago, he had led
ten regiments. Only one regiment, the First Minnesota,
was within call, though heavy reinforcements could be
brought to Humphreys's aid if a little time could be gained.
"Do you see those colors?" cried Hancock, pointing to
the flags which waved over the advancing brigade. " Take
them!" The regiment dashed forward, losing eighty-two
per cent, of its number, but the colors were captured, and
in the pause which followed reserve artillery was brought
forward, and reinforcements were sent from the Federal
right.

Anderson's and Fender's troops were waiting for an
order to take Ziegler's Grove, but it did not come. Fender
hastened forward, evidently to lead his men to the attack.
A shell burst and Fender was carried back, mortally
wounded. Anderson attempted to join lines with Mc-
Laws, thereby weakening his line.

The little wood in front of Round Top was still held
by a Federal force which was retreating when the battle-
chorus of a brigade of the Pennsylvania Reserves was
heard, and McCandless's men came sweeping down to the

GETTYSBURG— SECOND DAY. 289

stone wall at the edge of the road behind which some
Confederates lay hidden, bearing them back and ending
the fight on the ground about the Round Tops.

Day will not wait for victory or defeat. The sun glides
down the west, just as on other days, and its last rays fall
athwart Seminary Hill and become entangled in the bat
tle-clouds that gloom over Cemetery Hill and the Round
Tops. They grow dim and blurred in the heavy smoke
and shiver into lurid tints.

Thus it looks on the last effort of the gallant Confed
erate right to save the second day of Gettysburg.

It sees the valiant Barksdale, a vivid flame of war,,
flashing over the battle-field, his long white hair stream
ing like a snowy banner in the battle-wind. It sees him
fall. It watches the heroic efforts of his ardent Missis-
sippians to save him, and sees them beaten back, leaving
their dying chief in the hands of the foe.

It sees the wild dash of Wright at the head of his mag
nificent Georgians, up the slope, over stone walls to the
crest of the ridge, to the very mouths of the vengeful
guns. Wilcox is at the base, Perry has fallen back, far
away are all the troops which might have helped to hold
the position so gallantly won. The Federal line closes
up, Wright and his heroic Georgians fall back, and the
day is lost.

Lee, Hill, and Anderson, over on Seminary Hill, were
also watching that sad and thrilling scene. The sun
grew weary of it all, and went beyond the horizon to shine,
we may hope, upon fairer scenes than these, but the other
three looked until nightfall — looked on in silence.

The purple veil of the summer twilight fell slowly
and solemnly over the field. The darker veil of defeat
shrouded Longstreet's gallant men.

So zealous had the Federal commander been in his

290 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

efforts to strengthen the left that he had reduced his right
to the lowest point compatible with existence.

Lee had directed Ewell to attack upon that side at the
same time that Longstreet's guns opened upon the peach-
orchard, the thunder of his cannon to be the signal. For
the second time the wind had not blown fair for the Con
federate cause, and the report of the guns did not reach
the ear of Ewell. Consequently, his attack was delayed
two hours after the opening on the right. The sound of
Hill's guns at five o'clock first announced to Ewell the
fact that the battle was on, and his batteries began the at
tack. They were soon silenced by the guns of Weiderick
and Ricketts on Cemetery Hill, which being protected by
lunettes, had an advantage over Ewell's unprotected
batteries.

To the east of Gettysburg from behind a hill came
long lines of infantry moving on in grand array. Stevens's
battery, between Cemetery Hill and Gulp's Hill, opened
upon them a terrific fire, enfilading the line, and from
the long blue ranks on Cemetery Hill poured a heavy rain
of lead and flame, beating them to the earth.

From the stone wall Howard's infantry swept them
down like grain before the scythe. They did not pause.
The famous Louisiana Tigers were leading, and they
would go forward while there were enough of them left
to charge upon the foe.

The brigades of Hoke and Hays followed. They
cleared the stone wall and Stevens ceased firing lest his
friends should fall victims. Weiderick's men were borne
back. Ricketts's guns alone poured death into the as
saulting column. Over the battery was a fierce hand-to-
hand struggle, and the gunners were almost overpowered,
when Carroll's men rushed to the rescue, and the Tigers
who had ascended the slope seventeen hundred strong,

GETTYSBURG — SECOND DAY. 2Q1

triumphant in the pride of never having been defeated in
a charge, reeled back, five hundred in number, never again
to be known to battle-field.

Brave Tigers, whose lines of life were but faintly illu
mined by the light in which evolves that inborn inheritance
of all mankind, an undeveloped soul — under the influence
of a noble, grand and heroic purpose they displayed that
God-given greatness which commanded the admiration
and respect of both armies.

While the Tigers were making their daring and bril
liant charge Johnson crossed Rock Creek and came
through the forest against the Union skirmishers, driving
them in. Under the heavy fire of Greene's and Wads-
worth's men, Johnson passed around to the right, and took
possession of the breastworks which had been constructed
with much labor and care and then vacated in the effort
to reinforce Sickles. After a fierce battle Johnson was
dislodged and passed through the woods in the rear and
almost reached the Baltimore road, coming within mus
ket-range of the headquarters of General Slocum, the
commander of the Union right wing. Had Ewell known
the advantage he had gained he might have set the whole
Federal army in retreat.

Behind Round Top the Sixth Corps alone kept guard
through the long hours of the night, their gaze turned north
ward, anxiously watching for the long dark line to loom up
heavily in the spectral moonlight. The radiance of that fair
July night lit no advancing columns, but only groups of
gray-clad men resting on their arms under the whispering
leaves of the forest of Rock Creek, and southward where
Round Top stood deeply silhouetted against a silvery back
ground, a dark wall of soldiers standing at gaze, their bayo
nets flashing back the rays of the moon, and their guns
glooming darkly against the glittering curtain of night.

PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

The mystic light grew dim and the moon hid behind
dark veils of cloud. The soft rain fell on the woodlands
of Rock Creek and on the Round Tops hidden away in
the folds of the heavy clouds. It dropped gently on the
stones above the peaceful sleepers in the mountain ceme
tery and on the weary, restless slumberers on the blood-
drenched ground. Still the gray groups sheltered them
selves under the trees that bordered the' rippling stream,
and down behind the rugged slope of Round Top the
watchers kept silent guard till the dawn of a new day
faintly silvered the east.

CHAPTER XXXV.

GETTYSBURG — THIRD DAY.

Pickett's division — reserved for the last great scene in
the tragedy of Gettysburg — had not yet entered the circle
of fire which environed the mountains, filled the valleys
with death, and turned the silvery streams into rivers of
blood.

Until the night of July I j^the three brigades) under
Pickett's command, Corse and Jenkins having been left
behind(remained on guard at Chambersburg. ) Being then
relieved by Imboden, at two o'clock on the morning of
the 2d, (they were under marching orders and moving
along the Gettysburg road.') In the pass of the South
Mountain a fire flashed upon them from sharpshooters
stationed in the gorges of the crags.

On the east side of the range the air trembled with the
battle-rage of Gettysburg. j^The ardor of the men kindled
into flame, and with eager, impatient feet they pressed
forward to answer the call. Through the intense heat of
one of the most fiery days with which July ever scorched
the earth Pickett's men marched twenty-four miles and
at two o'clock in the afternoon halted three miles from
Gettysburg. \

Though tney were parched with heat and worn by the
march, their commander sent his inspector-general, Colo
nel Walter Harrison, to report to Lee their position and
condition and to tell him that, notwithstanding their fa
tigue, they could with two hours' rest be in any part of
the field in which he might wish to use them.

293

294 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

Pickett rode on to meet Longstreet, who had ex
pressed a desire to see him, and who, though relieved and
delighted by his arrival upon the field, manifested great
anxiety. While conversing with Longstreet Pickett
viewed the ground and watched the fight in front of Lit
tle Round Top, where the other two divisions of Long-
street's corps under Hood and McLaws, having started
twenty-four hours in advance of his three brigades, had
struck the corps commanded by Sickles. He was thus
engaged when Colonel Harrison rode up with Lee's reply:
"Tell General Pickett that I shall not want him this even
ing; to let his men rest, and I will send him word when
I want him."

Pickett and Harrison left Longstreet still fighting with
fearless tenacity in front of Round Top, and rode back to
the division to seek such rest as they might find. They
had viewed the field, had studied its advantages and dis
advantages, had witnessed the terrific struggle, had
watched A. P. Hill's attack upon the center, thoroughly
understood the situation, and knew that before them lay
a dark and tragic day.

Lee had not been so successful on the second day as
on the first, but he had gained some ground by a series of
brilliant movements, and his repulses had been attended
with heavy loss to the enemy. In his report he says:
"These partial successes determined me to continue the
assault next day."

On the afternoon of the 2d Stuart came in from Car
lisle and joined Lee on Seminary Ridge. He was followed
by Kilpatrick, who lost about thirty men in a skirmish with
Hampton, the latter having been left by Stuart at Hunters-
town to prevent the Federal troopers from falling upon
Ewell's rear.

Lee had concentrated more than a hundred guns

GETTYSBURG— THIRD DAY. 295

against the left center, under Hancock, posted on Ceme
tery Ridge, with Howard on the right and Sedgwick,
Sykes, and Sickles on the left.

In the moonlight of that radiant night the Federals re
formed their lines among their fallen comrades. Perhaps
many a leader echoed in his heart the softly breathed as
piration of Birney, " I wish I were already dead," as he
looked upon the few who were left to follow him, and the
many who lay in unbroken rest while the storm of battle
swept unheeded over them.

As early as three o'clock on the morning of the 3d of
July Pickett's division was under arms and moving to the
right and southeast of the Cashtown and Gettysburg
road. Line of battle was formed, facing Cemetery Ridge,
Kemper's brigade on the right, Garnett's on the left, and
Armistead immediately in rear of Kemper and Garnett,
there not being room for all in extended line of battle.

The fences and other obstructions were cleared away.
The line was formed a little to the left of Meade's
center. On the left was Heth's division, commanded by
Brigadier-General Pettigrew. To Pettigrew's left and
rear were two brigades of Pender's division, commanded
by Brigadier-General Trimble. Wilcox's brigade was
lying about two hundred yards in front of our line.
Orders were given to the men to lie down and keep still,
that they might not attract the attention of the enemy.

In obedience to a summons from Longstreet, Pickett
rode to the top of the ridge in front, where Lee and Long-
street were making a reconnoissance of Meade's position,
which seemed to be of invincible strength. The clouds
of the early morning had drifted away and the sun shone
out with intense brightness and heat. In its light were
revealed all the difficulties of the ground between the
Confederate line and the point of attack. Woods,

296 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. m

streams, and steep hills impeded the movements of. the
Confederate guns and necessitated a fight with infantry
against the Federal batteries. In the lower ground, be
yond this space, the enemy had thrown out a very heavy
skirmish-line. The ridge was defended by two tiers of
artillery, supported by a double line of infantry. Heavy
reserves of infantry were ranged in double column on the
crest of the heights, protected by a stone wall extending
along the side of the ridge. Across the lowland was a
rail fence to obstruct the march of our troops. In order
to come to close quarters with the enemy our men would
be compelled to charge over half a mile of open ground
in the face of a terrible rain of canister and shrapnel.

At twenty minutes to four the report of Geary's pistol
rang out from the Federal lines, shivering the morning
air with its ominous resonance. This was the signal for
the beginning of the struggle for Gulp's Hill, to which
Geary's division had returned in the night. The contest
was still in progress while Pickett stood with Lee and
Longstreet on the summit of the ridge. The Federal artil
lery on Power Hill and McAllister Hill swept the plateau
on which Johnson was stationed and where he met the ad
vancing infantry. He fought alone until eleven o'clock,
when his battle was over and he fell back to Rock Creek.

About eight o'clock Pickett, in company with Lee and
Longstreet, rode slowly up and down the long line of
prostrate infantry, viewing them closely and critically.
The men had been forbidden to cheer, but they volun
tarily arose and stood silently with uncovered heads and
hats held aloft, a motionless dark line against the white
light of the morning with the gloom of the hills in the
background. How many of those erect forms, standing so
rigidly in soldierly strength and pride, would, when the
sun should go down behind the purple hills, be lying on

GETTYSBURG— THIRD DAY.

the plain beyond, nevermore to thrill with the ardor of
earthly battles!

When this solemn, silent review was over detachments
were thrown forward to support the artillery, consisting of
one hundred and twenty cannon, stretched a mile along the
crests of Oak Ridge and Seminary Ridge. For five hours
the July sun poured its scorching rays almost vertically
down upon the supporting detachments lying in the tall
grass in the rear of the artillery-line, waiting in anxious
suspense for some sound or movement to break the awful
silence of the vast battle-field. The Federals on Ceme
tery Hill marveled at the unexpected calm. Why did
not the long-looked-for attack begin?

Anderson held the wood west of the wheat-field, a little
to the north of Devil's Den. On the Emmitsburg road were
six batteries of the First Corps, forming, with the rest of the
artillery of this corps stationed near it, a slightly concave
line of seventy-five pieces along the ridge which Hum
phreys had ineffectually tried to hold the day before. At
the right of the orchard a cross-fire was effected by Henry's
batteries. Alexander's were posted on the summit of a
slope to the north, and on his left, a little to the rear, was
the Washington Artillery, guarded by the battalions of
Cabell and Dearing. Lee intended to batter the point of
attack with Alexander's guns, which for that purpose
were placed ahead of the infantry. The troops which
were to make the attack were screened from view by the
ridge, Pickett's three brigades being supported by one of
Hill's light batteries. The assault was to be supported by
Hill's artillery on Seminary Hill, and a part of Ewell's
artillery was to fire on Cemetery Hill.

Signal-flags fluttered their portentous messages up and
down the line — death-tokens alike to that living wall
over which they waved and to the defenders of Cemetery

298 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. »

Hill. The musketry and artillery fire, which opened at
eleven o'clock, continued about three-quarters of an hour
and then ceased.

Colonel J. J. Phillips, who had been with the division
in every battle, relates the following to show how well the
soldiers understood the work which had been marked out
for them, and how far beyond their strength it was:

"A gallant son of old Isle of Wight County, before
the charge was made, and while the artillery thundered
over the plain, turned to me and said, 'We are ordered to
charge those heights?' 'Yes,' said I. 'Then/ said he,
'this will be a sad day for Virginia.' After the battle an
other brave soldier, whose fame has compassed the world,
said, 'This is a sad day for us.' He who said it before
the battle was J. Frank Crocker, adjutant of the Ninth
Virginia Infantry; and he who said it after the battle was
General Robert E. Lee."

This reminiscence is recalled to show that Pickett's
men marched into the very jaws of death with the full
knowledge that they were offering up their lives on the
altar of duty.

After the war, General Pickett said that he did not
believe there was a man in his dear old division who did
not know, when he heard the order, that in obeying it he
was marching to death, yet every man of them marched
forward unfalteringly.

It was one o'clock. The solemn silence which had
reigned over the field was suddenly shivered by a cannon-
shot. A minute passed. The Washington Artillery again
sent its ominous message thundering through the valley
and echoing and re-echoing from the mountain-sides.

While the smoke from the gun still lingered over the
plain, as if held down by the weight of its heavy meaning,
and the echo was yet rolling along the distant defiles and

GETTYSBURG— THIRD DAY. 299

gorges, the whole line was ablaze, and the thunder and
crash of more than a hundred guns shook the hills from
crest to base. From another hundred guns along the
front of Cemetery Ridge flashed forth an instant reply,
and the greatest artillery duel of the western continent
had begun.

The two ridges were about fourteen hundred yards
apart, and were like great blazing volcanoes. A mighty
roar as of all the thunderbolts of the universe filled the
plain. No command could be heard through the shriek
ing shot and shell, for no sound of wind, water, volcano,
thunder and cataract ever equaled this terrific uproar.
The valley was filled with clouds of dust and suffocating
smoke. A rolling sea of white and bluish and gray mist
tossed its billows to and fro between the heights and blot
ted out the rays of the sun. The fierce flames from the
guns flashed through, cutting the dark mists like lightning
sabers in a Titanic battle of the clouds. Fiery fuses shot
across the field, leaving death and mutilation in their mur
derous track. Flying missiles pierced the air, shells burst
above troops, or tore up the ground and bounded off for
another deadly strike. The Confederate line remained
steady, although it was exposed to the fire of the enemy,
which passed over the artillery and struck the infantry
with terrible effect.

The ammunition was failing; the artillery combat must
be closed. After two hours the firing ceased. For half
an hour silence settled over the blackened field, during
which time the Confederates were rapidly forming an at
tacking column just below the brow of Seminary Ridge.
Long double lines of infantry came pouring out of the
woods and levels, across ravines and little valleys, hurry
ing on to the positions assigned them in the column.

Two separate lines of double ranks were formed, a

300 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. .

hundred yards apart, and in the center of this column
were the remnants of the three brigades of Pickett's di
vision: Garnett's brigade, the Eighth, Eighteenth, Nine
teenth, Twenty-eighth and Fifty-sixth Virginia; Armi-
stead's brigade, the Ninth, Fourteenth, Thirty-eighth,
Fifty-third and Fifty-seventh Virginia; Kemper's bri
gade, First, Third, Seventh, Eleventh and Twenty-fourth
Virginia; numbering in all forty-seven hundred and
sixty-one privates, two hundred and forty-four com
pany officers, thirty-two field-officers and four general
officers.

Pickett's three brigades were to attack in front where
there was a bristling hedge of artillery and infantry.
Heth's and Pender's divisions, under Pettigrew and Trim
ble, their leaders having been wounded the day before,
were to charge in second and third lines of battle, sup
porting Pickett's advance. As Heth's division passed on
it was to be joined by Wilcox's brigade, then about two
hundred yards in front. Anderson was behind the two
supporting divisions ready to take Trimble's place when
he should leave it.

Pickett rode up to Longstreet for orders. The latter
seemed greatly depressed and said:

" I do not want to have your men sacrificed, Pickett,
so I have sent a note to Alexander, telling him to watch
carefully the effect of our fire upon the enemy, and that
when it begins to tell he must take the responsibility and
notify 3'ou himself when to make the attack. He has
been directed to charge with you at the head of your line
with a battery of nine eleven-pound howitzers, fresh horses
and full caissons."

Just as Longstreet finished this statement a courier
rode up and handed Pickett a note from Alexander, which
read:

GETTYSBURG— THIRD DAY. 30 1

If you are coming, come at once or I can not give you proper sup
port, but the enemy's fire has not slackened at all. At least eighteen
guns are still firing from the cemetery itself.

After Pickett had read the note he handed it to Long-
street.

"General Longstreet, shall I go forward?" he asked.

Longstreet looked at him with an expression which
seldom comes to any face. In that solemn silence mem
ories of the long friendship may have flooded his soul.
Possibly there came to his thought the time away back in
history when he had fallen on the stormy slope of Cha-
pultepec, and the boy lieutenant had taken his place and
borne the battle-flag in triumph to the flame-crowned
height. He held out his hand and bowed his head in as
sent. Not a word did he speak.

"Then I shall lead my division forward, sir," said
Pickett, and galloped off.

He had gone only a few yards when he came back and
took a letter from his pocket. On it he wrote in pencil,
" If Old Peter's nod means death, good-by, and God bless
you, little one!" He gave the letter to Longstreet and
rode back. That letter reached its destination in safety
and, with its faint penciled words, is now one of my most
treasured possessions. It was transmitted with one from
Longstreet:

GETTYSBURG, PENN., July sd.

MY DEAR LADY: General Pickett has just intrusted to me the safe
conveyance of the inclosed letter. If it should turn out to be his fare
well the penciled note on the outside will show you that I could not
speak the words which would send so gallant a soldier into the jaws of a
useless death. As I watched him, gallant and fearless as any knight of
old, riding to certain doom, I said a prayer for his safety and made a vow
to the Holy Father that my friendship for him, poor as it is, should be
your heritance. We shall meet. I am, dear lady, with great respect,

Yours to command,

JAMES LONGSTREET.

302 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

Pickett gave orders to his brigade commanders and
rode along down the line, his men springing to their feet
with a shout of delight as he told them what was expected
of them.

He was sitting on his horse when Wilcox rode up.
Taking a flask from his pocket, Wilcox said:

"Pickett, take a drink with me. In an hour you'll be
in hell or glory."

Pickett declined to drink, saying:

" I promised the little girl who is waiting and praying
for me down in Virginia that I would keep fresh upon my
lips until we should meet again the breath of the violets
she gave me when we parted. Whatever my fate, Wilcox,
I shall try to do my duty like a man, and I hope that, by
that little girl's prayers, I shall to-day reach either glory
or glory."

At a quarter past three on that bright afternoon the
order " Forward! " rang along the lines. The supreme mo
ment had come. As far as the eye could reach, up and
down on each side, the gaze of thousands of men of both
armies was riveted on a long line of soldiers moving with
all the precision of a grand review. The five thousand
Virginians had begun their march to death.

Longstreet joined Alexander, and they stood together
by the batteries when that magnificent column went by,
the officers saluting as they passed.

Pickett led, mounted on his spirited charger, gallant and
graceful as a knight of chivalry riding to a tournament.
His long dark, auburn-tinted hair floated backward in the
wind like a soft veil as he went on down the slope of
death.

Then came Trimble, riding lightly as he might have
ridden in the golden glow through the rose-scented air of
some brilliant festal morning.

GETTYSBURG— THIRD DAY. 303

It was no holiday work to which they went as they
gracefully saluted in passing their commanding general,
who acknowledged it in silent sadness. " Morituri, saluta-
mus!"

So they filed by, and went down into the heavy sea of
smoke which hid them from view. As it lifted they were
seen moving in solid ranks with steady step and with the
harmonious rhythm of some grand symphony. The sun
caught the gleam of their guns and flashed it back in
myriads of sparkling rays. Behind them was a wall of
light against which their dark forms were outlined in dis
tinct silhouette.

Pickett's Virginians were less than five thousand, but
every one was a soldier in the fullest sense of the word. As
they pressed onward in majestic order over the plain, like
a moving wall of granite, the battle-flag of the South waved
over them, its stars shining as if in promise of victory.

Garnett was on the right; Armistead center. Garnett
had been ill for many days, traveling in the ambulance, but
no persuasion could keep him from the post of danger.
Too weak to mount his horse, he had insisted upon being
placed in the saddle that he might lead his brigade in the
charge.

The battle-smoke drifted away over the hills and into
the clouds, where it arched itself above the field as if it
would even yet spread a protecting mantle around those
devoted men. The long Federal array with its double
line of supports was revealed to view. As the advancing
column came in sight Meade's guns opened upon it, but it
neither paused nor faltered. Round shot, bounding along,
tore through its ranks and ricochetted around it. Shells
exploded, darting flashes before — behind — overhead.

A long line of skirmishers, prostrate on the grass, sud
denly arose within fifty yards, firing at them as they came

304 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. «

within view, then running on ahead, turning and firing
back as fast as they could reload. The column took no
heed of them, but moved on at a quickstep, not return
ing their fire.

Past the batteries and half-way over the field, amidst
a terrific fire of shot and shell, Pickett gave the order,
"Left oblique! " Coolly and beautifully the movement
was made, changing the direction forty-five degrees from
the front to the left.

From Cemetery Hill burst the fire of forty cannon
against the right flank. Pickett's men fell like grain be
fore the sweep of the scythe. There was no pause. The
survivors pressed on with a force which seemed to have
grown stronger with the concentration of all the lives
which had been freed from the fallen brave.

Presently came the command, "Front forward!" and
the column resumed its direction, straight down upon
the center of the enemy's position — on, on it moved
with iron nerve.

One hundred Federal guns now concentrated their
whole fury of shot and shell upon the advancing line.
Every inch of air seemed to be filled with some death-
dealing missile. The men and officers were fast being
slaughtered. Kemper went down, mangled and bleeding,
never again to lead his valiant Virginians in battle.

Up and down the line of his brigade rode Garnett,
calling out in his strong voice:

" Faster, men, faster! Close up and step out, but don't
double-quick! "

A long blue line of infantry arose from behind the
stone fence, and as the column advanced poured into it a
heavy fire of musketry. At once a scattering fire was
opened all along the line, when Garnett galloped up afid
called out: "Cease firing! Save your strength and am-

GETTYSBURG— THIRD DAY. 30$

munition ! " Under such perfect discipline were these vet
erans that without slackening their pace they reloaded their
guns, shouldered arms, and went on at a quickstep.

The artillery made an effort to support the assault, but
the ammunition was almost exhausted. The light pieces
which were to have guarded the infantry had been re
moved to some other part of the field, and none could be
found to take their place.

Pettigrew was trying to reach the post of death and
honor, but he was far away, and valor could not quite
annihilate space. His troops had suffered severely in the
battle of the day before and their commander, Heth, had
been wounded. They were now led by an officer ardent
and brave, but to them unknown.

The four brigades of Archer, Pettigrew, Davis and Brock-
enbrough deployed from right to left on a single line, a line
of battle very difficult to maintain. The left lagged a little;
the right, following the gallant Trimble, made heroic efforts
to join Pickett whose oblique movement had brought him
nearer. Scales and Lane followed Pettigrew.

Dauntlessly Pickett's men pressed forward, the grand
est column of heroes^ that ever made a battle-field glorious.
They reached the post-and-rail fence, upon the other side
of which, and parallel to it, an ordinary dirt road ran
straight through the field across which they were advanc
ing. The fence was but a momentary obstruction. It was
but the work of a few seconds to climb over it and into
the road, while a hundred blazing cannon poured death-
dealing missiles into their devoted ranks. Now and here
was given to the -world the grandest exhibition of disci
pline and endurance, of coolness and courage under a with
ering fire, ever recorded in military history; a scene
which has made the story of Pickett's charge the glory of
American arms. There in the road, with the deafening
20

3 05 • PICfCETT AND HIS MEN.

explosion of unnumbered shells filling the air, their ranks
plowed through and through again and again by the
fiery hail which the batteries from the heights beyond
were pouring into them, amid all this terrific roar and the
not less disconcerting cries of the wounded and dying,
they heard the command of their company officers:
"Halt, men! Form line! Fall in! Right dress!"

Imagine, if you can, these heroes reforming and align
ing their ranks while their comrades dropped in death-
agony about them, the shells bursting above their heads,
and an iron storm beating them to the earth. Yet the
line was formed, and coolly they awaited the command,
"Forward!" At last it came: "Forward! Quick march!"
With perfect precision, with all the grace and accuracy of
the parade-ground instead of the bloodiest of battle-fields,
Pickett's division took up its death-march, each man with
"the red badge of courage" pinned over his heart. The
like was never seen before, and the change in military
tactics will prevent its ever being seen again.

Friend and foe looked on in wondering awe. A thrill
of admiration held the waiting enemy silent and motion
less as they watched this grand and unsurpassable display
of Virginia's valor.

As they advanced toward Cemetery Hill there was
seen in the open field to the right a long, dark line of men,
half a mile distant and at right angles with their line.
They were coming at double-quick upon that unprotected
right flank, their muskets at right shoulder shift, their
banners fluttering in the breeze, their burnished bayonets
glistening in the sun. The enemy were strengthening
their position, hurrying up reserves from right to left and
from opposite directions doubling along the Confederate
front.

A heavy rain of shell and shrapnel poured down from

GETTYSBURG— THIRD DAY. 307

the height. In the fiery storm the thin ranks became yet
thinner. Not an instant's disorder prevailed, but under
the withering fire they marched steadily forward.

"Faster, men, faster! We are almost there!" cried
Garnett's clarion voice above the roar of battle. Then he
went down among the dead, with the faith of a little child
in his hero heart.

There was a muffled tread of armed men from behind,
then a rush of trampling feet, and Armistead's brigade
from the rear closed up behind the front line. Their gal
lant leader, with his hat on the point of his sword, took
Garnett's place. The division was now four ranks deep.
As often as the iron storm made gaps through it the cheer
would come from private, corporal, sergeant, lieutenant
and captain alike: "Close up! Close up!" and "For
ward!" The lines shortened, but never wavered, never
halted. Closer and closer they drew to the foe till there
remained only a bleeding remnant.

Now they broke forward into a double-quick, while
canister and grape whirred and whizzed through the air.
On, on, they rushed toward the stone wall where the Fed
eral batteries were pouring forth their deadly missiles. A
hundred yards away a flanking force came down on a run,
halted suddenly, and fired into the line a deadly storm of
musketry. Under this cross-fire they reeled and staggered
between falling comrades and the right came pressing
down upon the center, making the line at this point twenty
to thirty deep. A few, unable to resist temptation, with
out orders, faced the enemy on their right, though the
latter were sixty to one. The fighting was terrific. Mus
kets seemed to cross. Men fired to the right and to the
front. The fighting was hand-to-hand. The firing was
into the enemy's faces.

The Federals in front fell behind their guns to let them

308 PICKETT AND HIS ML N,

belch their grape and canister into the oncoming ranks,
piling up the dead and wounded almost in touch of them.
When within a few feet of the stone wall the artillery de
livered their last fire from the guns shotted to the muzzle.

The division was now in the shape of an inverted V
with the point flattened. On it swept over the ground
covered with the dead and dying.

Armistead, sword in hand, sprang over the stone wall,
crying:

"Come on, boys, come on! We'll give them the cold
steel! Come on! Who will follow me? Who will fol
low me?"

He reached the battery, his hand touched one of Cush-
ing's guns. Then he and Gushing fell together, and a
crimson river washed the base of the copse of trees
which marked the high tide of the Confederacy — a river
formed of the noblest blood that ever flowed in Ameri
can veins.

Victory was within their grasp. Alas, where were the
promised supports? Worn and exhausted by the tension
of the bloody fighting of the day before, in which they
had suffered terribly, their leaders dead or wounded, they
had crumbled away under the deadly hail of the artillery
fire.

Back from the flaming crest fell only a remnant
of the division which had performed such deeds of
valor as made the whole world wonder. The flags which
floated a moment ago over Cemetery Hill, lay on the
ground among the prostrate forms of the men who had
so bravely borne them to the very verge of victory.

Of the five thousand who had followed where the flash
of Pickett's sword lit the way to glorious victory, or not
less glorious defeat, three thousand five hundred had gone
down to the soldier's triumphant death, to live forever in

GETTYSBURG— THIRD DAY. 309

our hearts and on the fame-crowned pages of their coun
try's history.

Virginia is rich in the names of great warriors, states
men and leaders of men, but the charge of this Virginia
division furnishes the most conspicuous proof in the his
tory of the State that the rank and file of its citizen
soldiery are the peers of any troops on earth, and the
memory of this band of martyrs will be cherished in the
hearts of her people forever and forever. With such fol
lowers Virginia will never be without great leaders. It
was fitting that in the descendants of the great sons of
Virginia, who had led in all that had contributed to Ameri
can grandeur, this consummation of chivalrous manhood
should be attained.

The battle-flag of the Confederacy had waved for a
moment in triumph to droop forever around its staff. To
the South was left the bitter sense of loss, the heartbreak
of defeat.

She had left, too, a memory which is enshrined forever
in the proudest and grandest niche of her temple of fame,
a glorified page of history to thrill the heart of the world
while time lingers.

It is the page on which is inscribed the grandest charge
known in all the long and proud record of martial history;
a charge which will live in song and story while the heart
of man can throb responsive to immortal deeds; a charge
which can never be obliterated from the roll of fame be
cause, in the changed conditions of warfare, it can never
be repeated or equaled; that transcendent charge which
awakened echoes to roll through the halls of time and to
incite to actions of supernal glory heroes of coming ages
— Pickett's charge at Gettysburg.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

WHERE WERE THE GUNS?

Where were the guns when Pickett's men started on
their grim march to death? is a query which has been
often made, and to which Colonel E. P. Alexander is,
perhaps, best fitted to give answer. On this point he says:

Before daylight on the morning of the third I received orders to post
the artillery for an assault upon the enemy's position, and later I learned
that it was led by Pickett's division and directed on Cemetery Hill. Some
of the batteries had gone back for ammunition and forage, but they were
all brought up immediately and by daylight all then on the field were
posted. The morning was consumed in waiting for Pickett's division,
and possibly other movements of infantry.

While forming for the attack I borrowed from General Pendleton,
General Lee's chief of artillery, seven twelve-pound howitzers belong
ing to the other corps under Major Richardson, which I put in reserve in
a selected spot, intending them to accompany Pickett's infantry in the
charge, to have the advantage of their horses and men and full chests of
ammunition for the critical moment in case the batteries engaged in the
preliminary cannonade should be so cut up and exhausted as to be slow
in getting up.

For more than half an hour Hill's artillery had a fight for a turn in
between the lines; sixty-three guns. Not one of the seventy-five guns
which I then had in line was allowed to fire a shot, as we had at best a
short supply of ammunition for the work laid out. One hundred and
thirty to one hundred and fifty rounds are usually carried with each piece,
about enough for one hour and a half of rapid firing. Am very sure we
did not carry more than one hundred rounds to a gun, and think not over
sixty rounds.

About twelve Longstreet told me that when Pickett was ready he
would himself give the signal for all our guns to open. He desired me
to select a suitable place for reservation, and take with me one of Pick
ett's staff and exercise my judgment in selecting the moment for Pickett's

310

WHERE WERE THE GUNS? 3! I

advance. I selected the salient angle of the wood in which Pickett's
line was now formed just on the left flank of my seventy-five guns. Re
ceived note from Longstreet:

"HEADQUARTERS, July 3, 1863.

"COLONEL: If the artillery fire does not have the effect to drive off
the enemy or gradually demoralize him so as to make our efforts pretty
certain, I would prefer that you should not advise General Pickett to
make the charge. I shall rely a great deal on your good judgment to de
termine the matter, and shall expect you to let General Pickett know
when the moment offers. Respectfully,

"J. LONGSTREET, Lieutenant-General.
"To COLONEL E. P. ALEXANDER,

"Artillery."

" GENERAL: I will only be able to judge of the effect of our fire on
the enemy by his return fire, for his infantry is too little exposed to view,
and the smoke will obscure the whole field. If, as I infer from your
note, there is any alternative to this attack, it should be carefully con
sidered before opening our fire, for it will take all the artillery ammuni
tion we have left to test this one thoroughly, and if the result is unfavor
able we will have none left for another effort. And if this is entirely
successful, it can only be so at a very bloody cost. ' '

To this received following reply, which is still in my possession:

"COLONEL: The intention is to advance the infantry if the artillery
has the desired effect of driving the enemy off, or has other effect such
as to warrant us in making the attack. When that moment arrives ad
vise General Pickett, but of course advance such artillery as you can use
in aiding the attack."

I felt the responsibility very deeply, for the day was rapidly advanc
ing (about twelve or a little later), and whatever was to be done was to
be done soon. Meanwhile I had been anxiously discussing the attack
with General A. B. Wright, who said that the difficulty was not so much
in reaching Cemetery Hill or taking it — his brigade had carried it the
afternoon before — but that the trouble was to hold it, for the whole Fed
eral army was mustered in a sort of horseshoe shape and could rapidly
reinforce the point to any extent, while our long enveloping line could
not give prompt enough support. This somewhat reassured me, as I
had heard it said that morning that General Lee had ordered "every
brigade in the army to charge Cemetery Hill," and it was at least cer-

312 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. ^

tain that the question of supports had had his careful attention. Before
answering I rode back to converse with General Pickett, whose line was
now formed or forming in the wood and, without telling him of the ques
tion I had to decide, I found out that he was entirely sanguine of suc
cess in the charge and was only congratulating himself on the op
portunity. I was convinced that to make any half-way effort would
ensure a failure of the campaign, and that if our artillery fire was once
opened after all the time consumed in preparation for the attack the only
hope of success was to follow it up promptly with one extreme effort,
concentrating every energy we possessed into it, and my mind was fully
made up that if the artillery opened Pickett must charge. Wrote to
Longstreet:

"GENERAL: When our artillery fire is doing its best I shall advise
General Pickett to advance. ' '

It was my intention, as he had a long distance to traverse, that he
should start not later than fifteen minutes after our fire opened. I sent
for Richardson with his seven twelve-pounders to come up through the
woods and be ready to move ahead of Pickett 's division in the advance.
To my great disappointment I learned just as we opened fire, and too
late to replace him, that General Pendleton had sent four of his guns
without my knowledge to some other part of the field, and the other
three had also moved off and could not be found. Probably, however,
the presence of guns at the head of this column would only have resulted
in their loss, but it would have been a brilliant opportunity for them, and
I always felt like apologizing for their absence.

There have been many efforts to shift responsibility
and to assign various causes to this repulse of the Army
of Northern Virginia, but I can not find it in my heart,
nor do I think it reasonable, to believe that any man or
officer of that grand army, led by the peerless Lee, did
aught but what the most profound sense of duty and pa
triotism, controlled by the emergencies which surrounded
him, suggested that he should do.

General Imboden, describing an interview with Lee
after the battle, states that in a voice tremulous with
emotion, Lee said:

"General, I never saw troops behave more magnifi-

WHERE WERE THE GUNS? 313

cently than Pickett's division of Virginians did to-day in
their grand charge upon the enemy. And if they had
been supported, as they were to have been — but for some
reason, not yet fully explained to me, they were not — we
would have held the position they so gloriously won at
such a fearful loss of noble lives, and the day would have
been ours."

After a moment he added in a tone almost of agony:

" Too bad ! Too bad !! Too bad !/! "

A report of the closing scene of the great battle was
made by him who was best able to give the true story of
Pickett's charge at Gettysburg. It was prepared from
notes penciled on the backs of old letters, on scraps of
wrapping-paper, on any fragment large enough to hold a
sentence. They were jotted down amid the dead faces
bordering the line of retreat, the groans of the wounded
and dying, all the fearful sights and sounds of that death-
march. They are the memories of a man only a few days
away from the most appalling crisis of his life.

This report was suppressed at the request of the com-
mander-in-chief. Weighed down by the responsibility of
a great army, Lee shrank from adding to the difficulties
of the position by any dissension which might be excited
by a bare statement of facts. In a kind and appreciative
letter, which has become a part of the published records
of the war, admitting the truth of the report, he asked
that it might be withdrawn, adding, after setting forth the
reasons for his request, the significant words, "We have
the enemy to fight."

It was in a spirit of true patriotism that the leader of
the Army of Northern Virginia made this request. Those
who knew him will remember that of all his many noble
utterances none was more impressive than this: "Duty
is the grandest word in human language." His duty was

3 M PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

to the cause for which he fought, and in the performance
of that duty he asked that this thing might be done. His
wishes were respected then, and through all the years that
have passed since that time they have not been forgotten.
The most alluring temptations have not brought that re
port from the oblivion to which it was consigned in the
far-away past.

The hand which penned those blood-stained notes,
reaching from the grave, is as powerful as when it un
sheathed the sword upon the field of battle, and it draws
across them still the mark of silence. They are all our
own — they who went down in the battle-fire, they who
left the field with heavy hearts and reluctant steps, long
ing to stay behind with their comrades who had passed
beyond the conflict, our tried and true, our best-beloved.
May the soft veil of mercy and love enfold them forever!

CHAPTER XXXVII.

DETAILED FOR SPECIAL DUTY.

The temperature of the summer of 1863 seemed to
keep pace with the high tide of war. The heat was so
excessive that the schools were closed early.

The first week in June I was graduated from my alma
mater. I stopped in Richmond for a few days en route
to my home within the Federal lines. The day after I
arrived I received a letter dated at Culpeper Court-house,
June 13, full of faith in a successful campaign, a short
separation, and a "speedy termination of the difficulties."
June 15 and 18 there came other letters, one written on the
march to Winchester, the other after reaching that place,
breathing the same spirit of confidence and hope. Until
the fatal third of July such letters came to me, expressing
hope and trust — always hope and trust.

Then drifted to us rumors, faint and indefinite at first,
of a great battle fought at Gettysburg. Gradually they
grew stronger and brighter, and the mind of the South
became imbued with the impression that a grand victory
had been won. Thus the news first came to us, trans
muted in the balmy air of the South from the appalling
disaster it really was into the glorious triumph which our
longing hearts hoped it might be. A few days of this
glowing dream, and then — the heartbreaking truth.

I could hear nothing of the General except the vague
rumor that he had been killed in the final charge. Our
mail facilities were very meager, and our letters were
smuggled through the lines by any trustworthy person

315

316 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. .

who, having been given the privilege of going back and
forth, happened to be at hand at the time. Many a mile
I had ridden on mule-back, hoping to hear directly from
the General, before I was rewarded.

" Reck," our old mule, had been a benefaction not
only to us but to the whole county. Every other mule
and every horse had been confiscated and taken by the
Federals. But for his wonderful memory, " Reck" would
have changed owners, too, like all his half-brothers and
-sisters, for he was a fine-looking mule. When a colt
his leg had been broken in crossing a bridge, and all
the powers of coaxing and whipping and spurring after
that accident could not make him step on a plank,
much less cross a bridge, unless you pretended to
mend the bridge, and first walked across it yourself in
safety, and then came back and led him over. My last
ride on "Reck" brought me as compensation a package
of five or six letters. The first was the letter which the
General, as he went into battle, had handed to General
Longstreet, with its sad superscription — "If Old Peter's

nod means death ." The next was written on the

second day after the great catastrophe.

Later there came to me the following:

WlLLIAMSPORT, July 8, 1863.

I am crossing the river to-day, guarding some four thousand prison
ers back to Winchester, where I shall take command and try to recruit
my spirit-crushed, wearied, cut-up people. It is just two months this
morning since I parted from you, and yet the disappointments and
sorrows that have been crowded into the interval make the time seem
years instead. My grand old division, which was so full of faith and
courage then, is now almost extinguished. But one field-officer in the
whole command escaped in that terrible third of July slaughter, and
alas ! alas ! for the men who fearlessly followed their lead on to certain
death.

DE TA I LED FOR SPE CIAL DUTY. 317

We were ordered to take a height. We took it, but under the most
withering fire that I, even in my dreams, could ever have conceived of,
and I have seen many battles. Alas ! alas ! no support came, and my
poor fellows who had gotten in were overpowered. Your uncle, Colo
nel Phillips, behaved most gallantly — was wounded, but not seriously.
Your cousins, Captain Cralle and C. C. Phillips, are among the missing.
But for you, I should greatly have preferred to answer reveille on the
fourth of July with the poor fellows over there, and how I escaped it is
a miracle; how any of us survived is marvelous, unless it was by prayer.

My heart is very, very sad, and it seems almost sacrilegious to think
of happiness at such a time, but let my need of your sweet womanly
sympathy and comfort in these sad hours plead extenuation, and be pre
pared, I beseech you, at a moment's notice to obey the summons that
will make you my wife.

Two weeks later I received this letter:

CULPEPER C. H., July 23, 1863.

The short but terrible campaign is over, and we are again on this
side of the Blue Ridge. Would that we had never crossed the Potomac,
or that the splendid army which we had on our arrival in Pennsylvania
had not been fought in detail. If the charge made by my gallant Vir
ginians on the fatal third of July had been supported, or even if my other
two brigades, Jenkins and Corse, had been with me, we would now, I
believe, have been in Washington, and the war practically over. God
in his wisdom has willed otherwise, and I fear there will be many more
blood-drenched fields and broken hearts before the end does come.

I wrote to you on Wednesday by Colonel Harrison, who went to Rich
mond via Luray. I came on with my division, occupying both gaps of Front
Royal, Manassas and Chester, where we had a brilliant skirmish with
the enemy. For three days and nights I have been almost constantly in
the saddle. Last night, the 22d, I had a tent pitched, and sat down to a
meal at a camp-table, the first time since leaving Bunker Hill. We had
been going ' ' al fresco. ' ' When we did sleep it was with the heavens
for a canopy and a fence-rail for a pillow. We shall be here three or
four days, perhaps longer.

I thank the great and good God that he has spared me to come back
and claim your promise, and I pray your womanly assistance in helping
me to its immediate fulfilment. This is no time for ceremonies.
The future is all uncertain, and it is impossible for me to call a moment
my own. Again, with all the graves I have left behind me, and with all

318 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

the wretchedness and misery this fated campaign has made, we would
not wish anything but a very silent, very quiet wedding, planning only
the sacrament and blessing of the church, and, after that, back to my
division and to the blessing of those few of them who, by God's miracle,
were left.

I gave Colonel Harrison a gold luck-piece which was a parting gift to
me from the officers of the Pacific, and told him to have it made into a
wedding-ring at Tyler's. I asked him to have engraved within "G. E. P.

and S. C. Married , " and to leave sufficient space for date and

motto, which you would direct.

Perhaps no girl just out of school ever had a more diffi
cult problem sprung upon her than that which confronted
me. Had we been living under the old regime nothing
would have been easier than to prepare for a grand wed
ding in the stately old Southern style. Times had
changed very greatly in the past few years, and how was
a trousseau to be made away up in the frozen North,
where all the pretty things seemed to have gone, and
spirited through the lines to make a wedding brilliant
enough to satisfy the girlish idea of propriety? And yet,
how could a marriage take place without the accompani
ments of white satin, misty laces, dainty slippers, and
gloves, and all the other paraphernalia traditionally con
nected with that interesting event in a young woman's
life? However, if "Love laughs at locksmiths," he has
more serious methods of treating other obstacles in his
way, and all the difficulties of millinery were finally over
come. But still there were lions in the path.

Longstreet lay under a tree at Culpeper Court-house,
seeking repose from the burdens which would necessarily
weigh upon the mind of a man in whose care was the des
tiny of the leading corps of the Army of Northern Vir
ginia. As he leisurely reclined Pickett came up and sat
on the grass beside him.

"General," he said, "I am going to be married, and

DE TAILED FOR SPECIAL DUTY. 319

want a furlough. This little girl " — handing my picture to
General Longstreet — "says she is ready and willing to
marry me at any minute, in spite of the risks of war, and
will go with me to the furthest end of the earth, if need be."

The younger man had consulted the older about many
things since the day when he had rushed forward into the
place made vacant by the wounding of his superior offi
cer and carried the flag to victory, but he had never be
fore confided to him an aspiration of so soulful and sacred
a character. Longstreet considered the matter gravely
for a time.

" I can't give it to you, Pickett. They are not grant
ing any furloughs now. I might detail you for special
duty, and of course you could stop off by the way and be
married," said General Longstreet, with a twinkle in his
eye.

It was not a time for insisting upon minor details, even
in regard to very momentous subjects, and the General
eagerly consented to be detailed for " special duty." Then
there arose the problem of how to get the two necessary
parties to the transaction within the essential proximity
to each other. If the General attempted to cross the lines
he might be arrested, and then not only would the wed
ding be indefinitely postponed, but one of the divisions
of Longstreet's corps would lose its leader.

The General had purposed coming to meet me at the
Blackwater River, which was the dividing line between
the Federal and Confederate forces, but fortunately,
through military exigencies, his plans were changed. As
cautious as we had tried to be, the Federals, by some un
known power, caught a glimmering of what was expected,
and some poor fellow en route to the Blackwater, as inno
cent of being the General as of committing matrimony,
was ambushed and captured by a squad of cavalry sent

320 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. «

out from Suffolk for the purpose, and, though he pleaded
innocent to the charges against him, put into Suffolk jail,
before he was recognized and released.

Thus, in the interests of the Confederacy, as well as of
the marriage, it became necessary that I should be the one
to cross the lines.

My uncle was a physician and because of his profes
sion was permitted to go where he wished, and I had
often accompanied him on his professional visits.

On the I4th of September, my father and I set out to
cross the lines under the protecting wing of this good
uncle. Just before we were ferried over the Blackwater
River, we came upon the Federal cavalry, who looked at us
somewhat critically but, recognizing Dr. Phillips, evidently
assumed that he was bent upon a mission of mercy — as,
indeed, was he not? — and did not molest us.

We reached the railway-station in safety. " Waverley,"
it was called, and the romantic associations clustering
around the name filled my youthful fancy with pleasure.
There we were met by my uncle, Colonel J. J. Phillips,
and his wife, and by the General's brother and his aunt
and uncle, Miss Olivia and Mr. Andrew Johnston. Colo
nel Phillips was a warm personal friend of the General
and commanded a regiment in his division. He had
been wounded at Gettysburg and was just convalescing.

They accompanied us to Petersburg where, to my great
delight, the General awaited me at the station. When we
reached the hotel he and my father went out for the pur
pose of procuring the license. They soon returned with
the sorrowful announcement that, owing to some legal
technicality, the license could not be issued without a
special decree of court, I not being a resident of that
jurisdiction. Court could not be convened until the next
day, and the General must report at headquarters that

DE TAILED FOR SPE CIAL DU7"Y. $21

evening. He went away sorrowful, and I fell into a flood
of tears, thereby greatly shocking the prim, rigid maiden
lady — a friend of my mother — who had accompanied me
as monitor and bridesmaid, and who was intensely horri
fied by the expression of my impatience and the general
impropriety of my conduct in fretting over the delay.

As I sat in my room, drowned in grief, I heard the
newsboys crying the evening papers:

"All about the marriage of General Pickett, the hero
of Gettysburg, to the beautiful Miss Corbell,of Virginia!"

You know, a girl is always "beautiful" on her wed
ding-day, whatever she may have been the day before, or
will be the day after.

However, it was not my wedding-day, but only was
to have been, and I had serious doubts as to whether
my tear- washed eyes and disappointed, grief -stained
face would be likely to answer anybody's preconceived
convictions of the highest type of beauty. Again was
my mother's "prunes and prisms" friend unnecessarily
shocked, as I thought, because I had simply opened the
window to buy a paper containing the account of my own
marriage.

The next day the General returned to Petersburg, and
the court graciously convened. The license was granted,
and we were married by the Rev. Dr. Platt in dear old St.
Paul's Church before congregated thousands, for soldier
and civilian, rich and poor, high and low, were all made
welcome by my hero. We left for Richmond on the
afternoon train amidst the salute of guns, hearty cheers,
and chimes and bands and bugles.

It may not be supposed that, in those dark days of the
Confederacy, we were likely to find a sumptuous banquet
awaiting us in the capital, but we did. The river and the
woods had given of their varied treasures to do honor to

322 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

my General. It was in the sora season, and so plentifully
was that game supplied that the banquet was afterward
known as "the wedding-sora-supper." Had it required
the expenditure of ammunition to provide this delicacy,
it would probably have been lacking, for the South at that
time could not afford to shoot at birds when there were
so many more important targets to be found. They were
killed at night with paddles, and many hundreds were
sent as bridal presents by the plantation servants from
Turkey Island. There were thousands of delicious beaten
biscuit and gallons of terrapin stew made, and turkeys
boned and made into salads, too, by the faithful old planta
tion servants under the supervision of Mrs. Simms, the
loyal old overseer's wife. Not having sugar, we had
few sweets, but Mrs. Robert E. Lee had made for us with
her own fair hands a beautiful fruit-cake, the General's
aunt-in-law, Mrs. Maria Dudley, the mother of the pres
ent Bishop, sent us as a bridal gift a black-cake that
had been made and packed away for her own golden wed
ding, and some of our other friends had remembered us
in similar ways. So we even had sweets at our wedding-
supper.

It was a brilliant reception. The Army of Northern
Virginia, then stationed around Richmond, came in uni
form. Of the thousands present, only President Davis
and his Cabinet, a few ministers, and a few very old men
were in civilian clothes. The General and I greeted and
welcomed them all as they came; then they passed on to
the banquet and the dance — dancing as only Richmond
in the Confederacy could dance. With a step that never
faltered she waltzed airily over the crater of a volcano.
She threaded graceful mazes on the brink of the precipice.
The rumbling of the coming earthquake struck no minor
tones into her merry music. If people could not dance

DE TAILED FOR SPE CIA L DUTY. 323

in the crises of life the tragedy of existence might be
even darker than it is.

So they danced through the beautiful, bright Septem
ber night, and when the last guests were going my Gen
eral and I walked out upon the veranda with them and,
as they closed the outer gates, watched the stars of night
fade away before the coming dawn and the morning star
rise and shine gloriously upon a new, happy day.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

TWICE TEARS TO SMILES.

After the battle of Gettysburg Longstreet placed be
fore the Secretary of War a proposition to take his corps
to Tennessee to reinforce Bragg. It was the intention
that Pickett should accompany this expedition, a plan
which drew from the corps commander the following
words of commiseration and encouragement:

I am sorry for you, old fellow, but you must cheer up and "keep a
stiff upper lip. " I will bring you back to dear old Virginia, and deliver
you safely to your lady-love with additional laurels and covered with
noble deeds.

Most sincerely yours,

J. LONGSTREET.

Longstreet's proposed plan was clouded by the changed
orders which assigned Pickett to the Department of North
Carolina, with headquarters at Petersburg, Virginia. His
command comprised all that portion of Virginia and North
Carolina lying between the James River on the north and
Cape Fear River on the south, extending on the east to
the Federal lines around Suffolk and to the Blackwater
and Chowan, and included all the troops in that region.

Pickett having been relieved of the far-away duty to
which he had previously been assigned, the leader of the
expedition thus extended his congratulations and regrets
commingled:

324

TWICE TEARS TO SMILES. $2$

I am glad of the change of orders for yourself, old fellow, and con
gratulate you, but sorry enough for myself and the Cause that I am not
to have you with me. You know I don't like this "one-boot business,"
anyhow, and I always feel certain and sure of Pickett and Pickett's men.

Give my most respectful regards to your lady-love and tell her I
should have brought you back to her covered with additional glory and
noble deeds. I am sorry not to be at your marriage, but I shall remem
ber the day and say a prayer, and ask you to kiss the sweet bride's hand
for her husband's oldest friend and her well-wisher.

Most sincerely yours,

JAMES LONGSTREET.

By order of the War Department, Pickett's division,
"all that were left of them" after that fatal charge at
Gettysburg two months before, had just been divided up
for the purpose of recruiting its strength. Although
separated, it still retained its organization, and was again
consolidated in May, 1864, on the North Anna River,
when it rejoined the Army of Northern Virginia.

The Department of North Carolina was extended and
important, and as early as the 2d of November Pickett re
ported in person to our Secretary of War how ineffec
tually it was protected on the tide-water and approaches
toward Petersburg. Soon after this interview Pickett
learned of the intended Federal expedition against Peters
burg by way of the James. Conveying this information
to Richmond, he asked for sufficient troops to meet such
an attack, earnestly setting forth the immediate necessity
of fortifying and obstructing the lower James.

Later on, Pickett went to Richmond and, with Elzey,
commander of the defenses at Richmond, had an inter
view with the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the
Navy, representing the unprotected condition of his lines,
of which the Federals would certainly take advantage.

At the close of this interview Pickett was given the
solemn promise that he should receive whatever rein-

326 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

forcements of troops could possibly be spared, that a
gunboat should be stationed on the James River at Fort
Powhatan on the south bank of the river, and that below
that point the river should at once be further obstructed
with torpedoes. These promises, for causes unknown,
were not fulfilled, and subsequent events showed their
importance.

When we returned to Petersburg after our bridal visit
with the General's sister and aunts, we found that loving,
thoughtful hands had been unsparing in their tasteful ar
rangement of our temporary abode. Affection had found
a way, in spite of the check of war, to anticipate every
luxurious requirement. Choicest selections were made
by the General's friends from among their own treasures
to adorn our rooms.

It was here that the first tears of my married life were
shed. It happened some months after we had entered
our Petersburg home, upon a gloomy, rainy morning
when the General was busy at his office and there was
nothing to prevent my falling into the temptations which
wait upon idle hands.

Did you ever see or hear of a girl graduate who had
never read a novel? Incredible as it may seem, such was
I at this period of my life. From infancy I had been
under the especial guidance of my good grandmother, a
rigid churchwoman, who had unshakable convictions as
to the influences which should surround a young girl.
She did not approve of novels. Consequently I had never
been subjected to the charm of their seductive pages.

Having grasped a situation so remote from the proba
ble, just imagine such an innocent, crude mind suddenly
brought into contact with the tense tragedy of " East
Lynne" — a tragedy which probably has never been ex
ceeded in literary history. So it happened to me.

TWICE TEARS TO SMILES.

Some one, more hardened to fictive woes than I, had
been reading it and left it where it fell into my hands.
When I began, I was not thinking much of the story. I
was too greatly appalled by the enormity of my crime in
reading a novel of any kind to have a clear idea of what
it was about. I was remorsefully thinking, "What would
my good grandmother think? What would she say?"

As I read on I began to lose sight and memory of my
grandmother. Her influence ceased to move me. The
story exerted a miserable fascination for which there is
no name. All the woe and heartbreak of it fastened
itself upon me and became my own. The tragedy of a shat
tered life filled me with a grief unspeakable. I read until
my eyes were blinded with tears. Then I let the book fall
upon the floor and gave way to a passion of sobs.

I heard the General coming and hid the book, but I
could not conceal the traces of my woe. He was filled
with anxiety when he saw my tear-stained face.

"What is the matter, little one?" he asked with tender
solicitude.

" Nothing," I sobbed, brokenly.

"Are you ill?"

" No-o-o, sir," with renewed floods of tears.

" Have you hurt yourself?"

He looked anxiously around in search of some weapon
with which I might have accidentally inflicted upon my
self an injury.

No, I had not hurt myself.

" Has any one wounded your feelings, or offended you
in any way? "

No, everybody had been kind and good to me.

" Poor little thing. She is tired and lonely. Will you
come and ride with me?"

No, I would not ride.

328 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

It was the first time I had ever declined to ride
with the General or, in fact, had refused to assent to any
thing which he had suggested, and he was deeply hurt.
In vain he implored an explanation. I was unable to
divulge my grief, and he was forced to leave me in tears,
and go forth with his great, honest soul clouded with
perplexity.

When he was gone I returned to "East Lynne" and
irrepressible misery. When the General came back some
time later I was yet more deeply drowned in seas of woe,
and his anxiety was correspondingly increased.

"Are you homesick?" he asked tenderly. "You shall
go home to-morrow and stay as long as you like."

" I am not homesick."

"Do you want to see your father and mother? They
shall be sent for at once."

I did not want to see my father and mother.

"Do you want your little sisters? They shall come
and stay with you as long as you want them."

I did not want my little sisters.

Again was he forced to leave me, the dark mystery
still unsolved. Again did I resort to "East Lynne" and
uninterrupted woe.

When evening came the situation was yet worse. I
was hopelessly submerged in unillumined, measureless
tides of despair. I threw myself upon a couch and oceans
of wretchedness rolled over me and I wept floods of burn
ing tears.

The General was lost in mystification. A sudden fear
possessed him.

The "rift within the lute" had developed. So great
was the darkness which the imaginary life of the fictitious
heroine cast over me that I did not at first realize the
cloud on our domestic horizon. It suddenly gloomed

TWICE TEARS TO SMILES. 329

over me, bringing contrition and remorse. Yet how could
I explain and risk the contempt which I felt my deception
warranted. I watched the General as he paced up and
down the floor, vainly endeavoring to analyze the problem
with which he had been so unexpectedly confronted.
Sympathy, doubt, grief, amazement seemed to commingle
in his mind. After a time he came and stood beside me,
looking at me with such an expression of sadness that,
under the influence of that gaze, there was nothing left me
but to acknowledge the cause of my hitherto unuttered
woe. Blushing and confused, I sobbed out my mournful
story and took the poor paper-back book, the cause of our
first and only misunderstanding, from its hiding-place
beneath the cushion and sheepishly handed it to him, and
all the clouds drifted away in smiles.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

NEWBERN.

Newbern, North Carolina, was held by the Federals, and
was reported to General Pickett as being weak in its de
fenses and protected by a small force. It was a place of
storage, and its alleged stock of provisions and clothing
was a most tempting bait for our nearly naked, barefooted,
famished soldiers.

"Newbern" is the modern form of New Berne, so
named in the latter part of the seventeenth century by its
founder, Christopher, Baron de Graffenried, in memory of
his former home, Berne, Switzerland.

In its early infancy Newbern had been baptized in
blood, and its sinister beginning seemed to have ushered
it into a career of turbulence, occasioned more by its
location than by any consequence attaching to it from
size or other characteristic adapted to attract attention.
Its position as an important seaport of the Confederacy
early rendered it an object of desire to the enemy.

It is near the confluence of the Neuse and the Trent,
and the only two roads by which it may be reached by
land lie through an almost impassable swamp. There was
once a railroad from Newbern to Kinston and Goldsboro,
passing through the marshy ground, but it had been de
stroyed.

On March 14, 1862, Burnside advanced upon Newbern,
destroying a fortification of little value in the vicinity,
and capturing and partially burning the town, being sup
ported by gunboats which cleared the way by a heavy

330

NEWBERN. 331

rain of shells. Burnside captured forty-six guns, three
light batteries, and a large amount of stores. In the be
ginning of 1864, Newbern was held by the Federal gen
eral Foster, with a small force.

Pickett laid a plan for an attack upon Newbern which
was approved of and applauded by both Lee and Beaure-
gard, and was guarded with strictest secrecy.

On the ist day of February, 1864, Hoke's and Cling-
man's North Carolina brigades and a part of Corse's Vir
ginia brigade, with a battalion of Reid's artillery (the
Thirty-eighth Virginia), commanded by Pickett, set out
from Kinston on the Neuse River in North Carolina.
They were to threaten Newbern on the south side of the
Neuse River. On the north side of the Neuse there was
to be a demonstration by Bearing's cavalry and three
regiments of infantry. Matt. Ransom's North Carolina
brigade, Barton's and Terry's Virginia brigades, under
command of Barton, marched along the Trent River
to destroy the railroad to Morehead City, and were di
rected to attack on the south side as soon as the Federals
should be diverted by the threatened assault of Pickett
and Bearing. Simultaneously with these movements,
Colonel R. Taylor Wood, with a naval force in small
boats, was to make a night excursion down the Neuse
River to Newbern and attack the gunboats.

The troops left Kinston just after nightfall in order
that they might make their appearance at the specified
points at daylight. They were buoyant and hopeful.
The start was excellent. Everything seemed propitious,
victory apparently smiling on the efforts of all.

Bearing's feint upon the north was successful in attract
ing the attention of the Federals from the real objective
point. Colonel Wood effected a complete surprise, and cap
tured the gunboat Underwriter under the guns of the forts.

332 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. .

At two o'clock in the morning, Pickett's infantry met
the Federal troops at Bachelor's Creek seven miles dis
tant from Newbern. The advance picket and vedette
were silently captured, and the reserve sought protection
in a small fort just beyond the bridge. This bridge, be
ing made of loose planks, was taken away by the guard in
the retreat, and the stream, too deep to ford, proved
an impassable barrier to the assailants. Thus the Con
federate advance was checked, and the gallant little Fed
eral force held its position till it was reinforced. During
this engagement sixty-seven men were killed; among
them, Colonel Shaw, who was supporting the advance.

Early in the morning Hoke's brigade crossed the
stream, flanking the Federals and opening the way to
Newbern. Corse had already crossed, captured a large
force of Federals, which had been encamped on the rail
road, and forced back the garrison into Newbern.

The Confederates had succeeded in surprising New
bern, and had taken all the outworks and defenses in
front. Almost victorious, they waited with impatience
for the attack on ihe other side, which was to have been
made by Barton's column, and which would have enabled
them to enter Newbern without opposition. Not a sound
was heard. The suspense was unbearable. Fear and
anxiety began to crowd out hope.

The marsh prevented communication between the dif
ferent divisions of the troops. The failure was incom
prehensible to all. Hour after hour of restless impatience
went by and yet no gun was fired, no attack was made by
Barton's column. Through a whole day of torture Pickett
waited in deathlike suspense with the prize of Newbern
almost within his grasp. Barton, it seems, regarded the
Federal defenses as too formidable to attack with any
reasonable hopes of success.

NEWBERN. 333

Pickett remained the whole of the next day in front of
Newbern, hoping against hope, and praying still that Bar
ton would even yet make an attack. The special couriers
he had sent out at intervals to try to reach Barton not re
turning, the next morning, heart-sick and disappointed,
he deemed it expedient to retire toward Kinston.

Though the Newbern expedition failed in its primal
object, it resulted in important advantages. Besides the
capture of five hundred prisoners and over two hundred
horses, the Confederates found comfort and temporary
relief in the valuable capture of subsistence stores, cloth
ing, shoes and camp equipage.

General Pickett gives an account of Newbern in the
following field-notes:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT o"F NORTH CAROLINA,

February 15, 1864.

GENERAL: I have the honor to report that, in accordance with in
structions received from General Lee, under date of January 20, 1864,
the expedition left Kinston, as follows:

On the morning of the 3oth ultimo General Barton, with his own
brigade and that of Kemper, three regiments of Ransom's, eight rifled
pieces, six Napoleons, and six hundred cavalry, started to cross the Trent
and take the works in front of Newbern, in reverse, and prevent the
enemy from being reinforced by land or water. Later in the day I sent
off the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Virginia, with three pieces of artillery,
Whitford's regiment, and three hundred cavalry, to report to Colonel
Bearing on the north side of the Neuse River. He was to have attacked,
if practicable, Fort Anderson, Harrington's. Commander Wood, of the
navy, with his boat party, left on the 3ist ultimo, and I, with Hoke's bri
gade, three regiments of Corse's and two of Clingman's brigades, five
rifled pieces, five Napoleons, and thirty cavalry, started on the evening
of the 30th ultimo.

The attack was to have been made simultaneously by the different
parties on Monday morning. Barton, with his cavalry, was to cut the
railroad and cross Brice's Creek, taking the forts on the bank of the
Neuse, and pass across the railroad bridge. If he succeeded only in the
first step he would effectually cut off reinforcements. Bearing, by tak-

334 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

ing Fort Anderson, would have a direct fire upon the town, and an
enfilading fire upon the works in front of it. Commander Wood, having
received the gunboats, would co-operate, and I, with the party under my
command, would create a diversion, draw off the enemy and, if the
chance offered, enter the town.

Accordingly, on Monday morning, at one o'clock, I pushed forward
General Hoke. He was met at Bachelor's Creek, nine miles from New-
bern, by a strong force of the enemy, who were evidently surprised. The
night being dark, and the enemy being posted in a strong position after
having destroyed the bridge, it was impracticable for General Hoke to
force a passage till after daylight. This he did in most gallant style.

At this time the enemy, reinforcing heavily by railroad, and trying
to rake our lines with the guns on the steam ironclads, attempted to
turn my right flank. I threw Corse forward to drive them in, which he
did handsomely, and Clingman, with his two regiments, followed General
Hoke. After effecting the crossing, the enemy were hotly pursued, but
as we had no cavalry, and our men were much worn by the long night's
march, and had not been allowed fires, we were unable to press our ad
vantage as we would have done had there been fresh troops on hand. In
fact, it was three o'clock before General Corse could come to the cross
ing of the Neuse road with the railroad, some two and a half miles from
the town. There was unfortunately no co-operation, the other parties
having failed to attack, and I found we were making the fight single-
handed.

Commander Wood went down the Neuse on the night of the 3ist,
with his party, but did not find the gunboats. Bearing found Fort
Anderson too strong to attack. Barton's cavalry failed to cut the rail
road and telegraph at Morehead City. This was afterwards done by
General Martin, but no communication of the fact was received from
General Barton till some time after we moved back. General Barton
sent a message to me by courier, on Tuesday morning, saying he found
the work laid out for him impracticable. This not being satisfactory
to me, I sent Captain Bright, my aide-de-camp, across the Trent to com
municate with him in person. This was accomplished by Captain Bright
at a great risk. General Barton stated to him that he had been entirely
misinformed as to the strength of the place. He pronounced the works
too strong to take, saying that he had made no advance and did not
intend to, and that he had twice sent out his cavalry to cut the railroad,
and they had returned without accomplishing it.

Captain Bright then, by my direction, ordered him to join me. Gen
eral Barton said he would try to cross at Pollocksville, but would be un-

NEWBERN. 335

able to do it that night (the 2d). He expressed some doubt as to whether
he could cross at that point. Should he fail there he would be com
pelled to go much higher up the river. Thus the earliest possible mo
ment at which he could have joined me would have been on the evening
of the 3d instant. This would have delayed my attack until the 4th.
General Barton afterwards informed me that he could, positively, have
done nothing on his side of the river.

General Barton had orders from me, in case he found it impracti
cable to perform his part of the work, which was the most important, to
cross at once to me, and let me try a ' ' coup de main. ' ' I could, how
ever, hear nothing from him for some time, and when I did, it was
through the unsatisfactory note I have mentioned.

On the night of the ist instant, Commander Wood gallantly at
tacked and took the six-gun steamer Underwriter, but was compelled to
burn her, thus losing her invaluable service. The enemy having had
ample time to reinforce, both by water and land, and the whole plan by
which the place was to be reduced having failed, I deemed it prudent,
after consulting with my officers, to withdraw, which we did at our
leisure.

The result may be summed up as follows, viz. : Killed and wounded,
about one hundred; captured, thirteen officers, two hundred and eighty-
four privates (fourteen colored), two rifled pieces and caissons, three
hundred stand of small arms, four ambulances, three wagons, two hun
dred animals, a quantity of clothing and garrison equipage, and two
flags. Commander Wood, Confederate States navy, captured and de
stroyed United States gunboat Underwriter. Our loss about forty-
five killed and wounded. A correct list will be forwarded.

I found the ground in my front swept by half a dozen forts, one of
them mounting seven rifled guns, with which they fired at pleasure over
and into our line of battle. Had I had a whole force in hand, I have
little doubt that we could have gone in easily, taking the place by sur
prise. I would not advise a movement against Newbern or Washington
again until the ironclads are done.

In the meantime, having received despatches that the enemy were in
force at Suffolk and advancing on Blackwater, I deemed it prudent to
send General Clingman back to Petersburg.

I have as yet received no written report from General Barton, but
from the light which I have, am of the opinion that he should have ad
vanced at the same time that I did. Had he done so, the enemy being
fully employed by me, he would probably have carried out this part of the
plan. I am informed that there was no infantry on that side of the river.

336 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

The present operations I was afraid of from the first, as there were
too many contingencies. I should have wished more concentration, but
still hope the effect produced by the expedition may prove beneficial.
I am, General, very respectfully,

G. E. PICKETT,

GENERAL S. COOPER, Major-General Commanding.

Major-General Commanding,
Assistant Inspector-General,

Richmond, Va.

Barton's explanation of his inaction at Newbern is, that
although he had made every safe and proper exertion to
gain information regarding the position of the enemy, and
had been assured by those whom he was forced to be
lieve trustworthy that there were no fortifications at
Newbern other than those abandoned by the Confederates
at the capture of the place, yet when he got there he found
an invincible array of forts, breastworks and field-works,
bristling with so deadly an array of guns that further prog
ress was impossible.

CHAPTER XL.
PICKETT'S VOLUNTARY DEFENSE OF PETERSBURG.

The expedition to capture Plymouth, the capital of
Washington County, North Carolina, which General Pick-
ett had planned to take effect some time before, was just
then about to set out.

This town, situated a few miles south of Roanoke River
where it enters Albemarle Sound, had been captured in
1862 by an expedition led by Burnside, and was now oc
cupied by twenty-four hundred men under command of
Wessells.

Pickett now maintained that too much time had been
wasted, and that the delay of this project, which delay had
had its origin with the authorities at Richmond, rendered
the execution of the plan at this late hour both rash and in
expedient. He held that, inasmuch as danger threatened
Petersburg, the troops then in North Carolina for the pur
pose of moving on to Plymouth, instead of being kept
there, should be ordered back at once to the defense of
the endangered city.

Pickett again pointed out the weakness of Petersburg,
how ineffectual were the defenses on the tide-water and
approach to Richmond, and pleaded that immediate action
should be taken in that direction. He asked that the ex
pedition be abandoned, and that the three brigades of his
division (Barton's, Corse's and Terry's) which had been
left in North Carolina after the affair of Newbern should
be sent to him without delay. Hunton's brigade of his di
vision was still retained around the defenses of Richmond.
22 337

338 PICKETT AND II IS MEN.

The authorities at Richmond giving no heed to Pick-
ett's warning, and taking no cognizance of his appeals in
behalf of Petersburg, he, in his desperation, sent a special
courier with a confidential letter to General Lee, who was
then on the Rapidan with the Army of Northern Virginia,
telling him of his unheeded repeated warnings and re
quests, and of his fruitless interview with the Secretary of
War.

General Pickett pointed out to General Lee the ex
treme danger to the Confederacy at that point and the
perils of further procrastination. General Lee, by return
courier, wrote as follows:

Consult at once with General Beauregard. I myself, General Pick
ett, am in perfect sympathy with your apprehensions Will

despatch officer to Richmond to-night, urging immediate action upon

your request

R. E. LEE, General.

Beauregard was then in command around Charleston,
South Carolina. Without loss of time he and Pickett met
by appointment at Weldon, North Carolina. Pickett laid
before Beauregard the letter of General Lee, and explained
the actual critical condition of affairs, the absolute cer
tainty of the immediate attack of the Federals on this
the most vulnerable approach to the capital of the Con
federacy, and the inadequacy of any force which he had
at his command to repel such an attack.

Beauregard expressed himself at once as being in per
fect unison of sentiment with Pickett, agreeing to the pro
priety of all he said. He proffered his co-operation and
assistance, and promised to reinforce Pickett as speedily
as possible with whatever troops he could spare.

Upon Pickett's return to Petersburg he found that in
the face of all argument, in spite of all warning, the expe
dition to Plymouth had been ordered forward.

PICKE TTS DEFENSE OF PE TERSB URG. 3 39

General Pickett having planned the capture of Plym
outh, he was, of course, to have commanded in person,
but just upon the eve of his starting out from his head
quarters at Petersburg he received a despatch from the
War Department at Richmond, directing him to turn over
the command to Brigadier-General Hoke. The command
consisted of Hoke's, Terry's and Ransom's brigades.
Barton's, Corse's and Terry's brigades were kept in North
Carolina against the advice and warning of both Beaure-
gard and Pickett, who strongly urged that they be sent to
Petersburg to the support of Pickett, who had but a hand
ful of men to guard the weakest point of the Confederacy,
the open gate to Richmond, its capital. Beauregard sent
a cipher despatch to Pickett, saying:

I have no control over these troops, or they should be ordered at
once to your relief. With you, I am nonplused and at sea with con
jectures. It is but a question now

On the 2d day of May, 1864, Pickett was ordered to
report to the Army of Northern Virginia, and Beauregard
was assigned to the division of North Carolina.

The 3d of May, my uncle, Dr. John T. Phillips, who
was a practicing physician at Ivor on the Norfolk and
Petersburg Railroad, sent a special message by a trusty
old neighbor to Pickett, to the effect that Butler, with
fleet and transports all in readiness, was only awaiting
orders to advance. This letter Pickett sent over at once
to the War Department and telegraphed its contents to
Beauregard, who, being ill, sent to Pickett his inspector-
general, Major Giles T. Cooke, and his chief engineer,
Colonel D. B. Harris.

On the 5th of May, the very day of Butler's advance,
Colonel Walter Harrison, Pickett's inspector-general, and
Major Giles T. Cooke, Beauregard's inspector-general,

340 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

had gone down from Petersburg to inspect the lines of
defense and troops on the Blackwater River at Ivor on
the Norfolk and Petersburg Railroad. They learned that
the signals on the James River were telegraphing the
passage of Butler's fleet and transports. Colonel Harrison
hastened back in the train to Petersburg and confirmed
the information already signaled to Pickett.

Butler had only been awaiting the co-operation of Gen
eral Grant, who was to move from the Rapidan on to
Richmond from the north. On the 5th of May, the at
tack against which Pickett had so often warned the War
Department was made. Butler came up the James River
with his whole force in transports, protected by his gun
boats, and landed without opposition at City Point and Ber
muda Hundred, lying between the James and Appomat-
tox Rivers. A whole division of his cavalry moved di
rectly toward Petersburg along the line of the Blackwater.
Notwithstanding the repeated warning of Pickett, the gov
ernment was totally unprepared and the country at large
completely surprised. Thus the world heeds its clear-
visioned seers now, who tell of evil because they must, no
more than in the olden days when the sorrowful Cassandra
wandered sadly and alone in the sacred laurel grove of
Apollo and poured forth her mournful plaint for a nation
that would not see.

As stated above, on the night of the 2d of May.
when Beauregard was assigned to the Department of North
Carolina, Pickett received orders to report to the Army
of Northern Virginia. He could not, however, turn a
deaf ear to the pleadings of the council and the prayers
and entreaties of the panic-stricken people of Petersburg,
as well as to the mandates of his own brave and tender
heart, and leave the city to the mercy of sword and flame.
He instantly made every available disposition for the de-

PICKE TT 'S DEFENSE OF PE TERSE URG. 34 1

fense of the place, with the small means at his command,
which, all told, was one regiment of infantry of Cling-
man's North Carolina brigade, and a few pieces of artil
lery.

On the Blackwater River there was a portion of Cling-
man's brigade, one regiment of infantry — the Twenty-ninth
Virginia — one battery of artillery, and a small squad of
cavalry. The only infantry regiment he moved out in
front of the works on the City Point road and put on
picket-duty all along the line. The eleven pieces of
artillery, which was all he had, he placed in the works at
that point.

In his defense of Petersburg, Pickett verified the state
ment of General Grant, "The rebels are robbing the cradle
and the grave," for the militia and every available citizen
of every sort and condition were ordered out and com
manded to advance in the direction of the Federals.

The small force on the Blackwater River was ordered
back immediately. The heroic, unselfish wives and
daughters of the Confederacy carried the despatches and
cooked the food for their soldiers and defenders.

Now, with but six hundred men, two hundred of whom
were only partially effective, Pickett awaited the approach
of Butler with his thirty thousand strong. A small force
it was, counted by men and guns, but how inconceivably
strong and great when measured by determination, by
ardor, by enthusiasm, and, greatest of all, by a firm and
abiding love. Did not every man from the brave leader
to the weakest private feel his heart thrill tumultuously
as he reflected that behind him stood home, friends, loved
ones, the closest and dearest of family ties, all that his
heart held dear in life, dependent on the valor and skill
with which he held his ground?

A small and feeble band, it might be said, to face such

342 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

odds, but it was led by the same Pickett who, with one
company of United States regulars, held the whole British
fleet at bay at San Juan Island, and made the English
lion crouch to the star-spangled banner. Would not he
who had fought so bravely for a little strip of earth on
which a nation had risked its honor, after the reckless
fashion of nations, battle with yet more ardent heroism
for home and loved ones, dearer to every true man than
aught else?

A portion of Haygood's South Carolina brigade, the
first reinforcement of troops from the south, arrived on
the 6th of May, the next day after the attack. Pickett
stationed them at Port Walthall Junction, on the railroad
between Richmond and Petersburg, about six miles dis
tant from the latter place. The whole of Beauregard's
army was south of Petersburg and was on its way toward
the defense of Richmond on the south side. Hence it was
all-important that this connection between Petersburg and
Richmond should be kept open. Pickett, knowing this,
detained this brigade on his own responsibility, although
he had been ordered in a telegram from Bragg, of the
War Department in Richmond, to send them directly on
to Richmond. It was only by the intervention of this
gallant little force of Haygood's brave South Carolinians,
who had a sharp skirmish with Butler's advance column,
driving them back, that the Federals were kept off of the
railroad and the connection between the two cities was
preserved unbroken.

The Weldon Railroad was threatened by Kautz's cavalry
division, which had worked its way around in the rear and
to the south of Petersburg and attempted to intercept
Beauregard's troops on that railroad. Though they failed,
they yet caused delay in transportation of these troops.
On the ^th of May, Wise's Virginia brigade arrived in

PICKETT'S DEFENSE OF PETERSBURG. 343

Petersburg, and was sent out on the line toward City
Point.

Then the three brigades of Pickett's division began
coming in as fast as the broken-down, worn-out express
could bring them. All now breathed easier and felt
less apprehension of immediate danger, but the fear and
anxiety of the women and children during those days
of trial and danger is beyond description. The roar of
cannon, shot and shell, filled their ears through all the
long day and night. Every reverberation brought a
new, swift dart of pain. Who had lost a loved one with
that shot? Whose heart was made desolate with this
sudden, deafening roar? Whose husband, father, son,
brother or sweetheart would go with the next death-
knell? How soon will our homes be in ashes? Will
they capture the city? Thus the deadly balls from the
cruel guns tore through our hearts with every passing
moment.

Years away from that time of anguish and terror I
awaken suddenly with the crash of those guns still in my
ears, their fearful sounds yet echoing in my heart, only to
find myself safe in my soft, warm bed with my little grand
son, the golden-haired George E. Pickett IV., nestling
close in my arms.

Our home in Petersburg was situated on High street,
the old Mcllwaine House, a beautiful home with a large
yard and tall trees and flowers, green grass and fountains.
It was filled with anxious, troubled hearts, women and
children coming and going all day and all night. To one
and all I said:

" Be not afraid. As long as General Pickett's arm is
raised in your defense no harm can come to you. I, his
wife, share your danger, and the General will obey no
order that will take him away from your defense till you

344 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

are safe. You can depend upon my noble, self-sacrificing
hero. Trust and wait."

They not only trusted in their brave defender, but gave
him of their courage and strength in helping him to keep
up a brave show and deceive the enemy, cheering the
trains as they came in, though, alas ! they were but empty
coaches.

They would gather at the station as each train was due
from the short trip it made into the country to keep up
the appearance of transacting a large business in transpor
tation, and send up cheer after cheer of welcome, fondly
hoping the Federals would not be cognizant of the fact
that there were none to be welcomed except the feeble,
half-starved men who ran the trains. There were none,
to the eye, but to the heart were not those whistling,
rumbling trains full to overflowing with gallant forms,
clad in the beautiful gray that we loved, adorned with
flashing swords, carrying muskets that meant protection
for us, and above all, with faces that had bent in truest
love to our own?

Such a week of anxiety as the General passed, only he
can know who holds in his hand the homes, the lives, the
honor, of men, women and children. For almost that
length of time Pickett had not slept, and for three days
had not been near our home. His soup and bread and
coffee, I myself had carried to him out on the lines. I
had George and Bob and Charles, my cook, butler and
gardener, out on despatch-duty. Each and all had done
their part, and they had not trusted in vain in the bravery
and strategy of their fearless defender, for, as General
Grant had said in his telegram to President Lincoln,
Pickett had bottled up Butler at Petersburg.

CHAPTER XLI.

A STRANGE BIRTHDAY CELEBRATION.

"General Pickett, a miracle has been performed. You
have saved Petersburg, and you have made a longer-lived
nation of the Confederacy."

This was the salutation of Beauregard to Pickett,
upon his relieving Pickett, at Petersburg, in May, 1864.

Our equipments were all packed, and we were on the
eve of departing from Petersburg, in conformity with
the orders received by the General before the Federal
attack upon the city. Now that our people were no
longer in danger, we were to go, taking with us the
thanks of the council and the love and gratitude of the
whole city.

We left Petersburg on Monday, the i6th of May, 1864,
as the morning of my birthday was dawning. I was in a
carriage with my maid and a few of my personal effects.
Tom Friend, a courier, was riding in front, and Bob, the
valet, was on the General's battle-horse, " Old Black," and
leading my riding-horse, " Mileaway," saddled, so that I
could ride with the General when he felt that it was judi
cious to gratify me.

When the General and his staff rode up I was looking
back at the city in the distance, my soul flooded with the
blessed memories of our happy bridal days. The sun was
rising and lighting with its early rays the far-off church
wherein eight months before we had plighted our troth.
We looked into each other's eyes, my General and I, then
back at the church, then upward and onward. We under-

345

346 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. .

stood; our souls translated for us the poem of the look
— then the General rode on.

In many ways had my dear ones always shown loving
memory of my birthday, but to-day a new celebration was
in store for me. The Federals were to grace the occasion.
I could not help contrasting in my mind various kinds of
entertainment, and wondering if many young people had
celebrated their natal days in so many different manners.
Child, almost, as I was, I wondered if I should ever again
dance with light feet and a merry heart at a real birth
day fete.

Thus I rode through the dewy morn, the first golden
rays of the sun making a veil of glory from the mist that
shimmered in evanescent beauty to the touch of the gentle
wind. They lit with an amber glow the edges of the fresh,
newly opened leaves, rustling to the soft movement of the
morning breeze. They struck glittering shafts through
the dewdrops that quivered on the blades of grass, and
changed them to diamonds pendent, trembling in emerald
settings. The echo of the cannonade that had thundered
against the loved city in which were centered so many sweet
memories and so many reminiscences of terror yet seemed
to strike upon ear and heart, but a little bird in a tree close
by arched its irised neck and from its tiny throat came a
flood of melody that drowned discordant recollections.

The bottled general being still " corked up," and Peters
burg being for the time safe, Beauregard deemed it ex
pedient to move with 'the greater portion of his force
toward Richmond and Drury's Bluff on the James River,
leaving Whiting in command at Petersburg. Beaure-
gard's lines extended from the Hewlett House on the
James River to Fort Clifton on the Appomattox below
Petersburg. On the south side of the Appomattox there
was a very small force for the defense of Petersburg.

A STRANGE BIRTHDAY CELEBRATION. 347

On the 1 5th of May, 1864, Whiting received orders
from Bragg, of the War Department at Richmond, to with
draw his whole force from Petersburg and move by a
roundabout road some distance in the rear of Drury's
Bluff so as to get into the defenses of Richmond from the
rear.

Whiting was both amazed and indignant at being
obliged to abandon Petersburg after its almost miraculous
escape and to leave it thus entirely unprotected, but, fear
ing to disobey, he, in accordance with Bragg's directions,
issued marching orders for the following day. This most
remarkable order of Bragg was signaled to Beauregard
by Colonel Walter Harrison who, at the solicitation of
Whiting, was for the time serving on his staff. Beaure
gard at once sent an order through Colonel Logan to
Whiting, directing him to move with his command at
daylight on the i6th of May, and attack Butler on his
left, thus co-operating with Beauregard in his attack.
Whiting was delighted by this change of order, and
most enthusiastic at the prospect of meeting the Fed
erals.

At Drury's Bluff, where some of the batteries were
stationed to prevent the fleet from passing up the river,
Beauregard had three divisions under Ransom, Hoke and
Colquitt. In Ransom's division were two of Pickett's
brigades, Barton's, commanded by Colonel Fry, and
Kemper's old brigade, under Terry. Another of Pickett's
brigades, Corse's, was in Hoke's division.

Beauregard's intention was to cut off the Federals
from their base of operations at Bermuda Hundred, and
on the 1 5th of May, he issued orders for battle on the next
day. In a letter written some years after the close of the
war Beauregard thus sets forth his intentions in regard to
this battle:

348 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

We reached Dairy's Bluff at three o'clock in the morning in a ter
rible rain-storm, passing between Butler's left and the river. Sent Col
onel Stevens of the Engineers to President Davis to tell him that if he
would that day (the i4th) send me ten thousand men from the troops
about Richmond (five thousand under Ransom) and General Lee's army,
I would take Butler's thirty thousand men (who had been successful on
the afternoon of the 13th in taking the outer line of defenses) and capture
or destroy them by twelve on the i5th. I would then move to attack
Grant on his left flank and rear, while Lee attacked him in front, and I
felt sure of defeating Grant and probably opening the way to Washing
ton, where we might dictate $cace.

Beauregard was not successful in his efforts to induce
Bragg to issue the necessary orders to enable him to carry
out his plans though he appealed to him with an earnest
ness which might seem irresistible:

" Bragg, circumstances have thrown the fate of the
Confederacy in your hands and mine. J^st us play our
parts boldly and fearlessly! Issue those orders and I will
carry them out to the best of my ability. I will guarantee
success."

Notwithstanding the rigidness of Bragg and the con
flicting orders issued to Whiting, Beauregard fought and
won his battle on the i6th, starting out in the heavy fog
of the early dawn. He almost totally annihilated Heck-
man's Star Brigade, took prisoners its leader and several
hundred of the men, and drove Butler's entire army
toward Bermuda Hundred.

Three brigades of Pickett's division, Barton's, Corse's
and Terry's, were engaged in this battle, behaving with
great gallantry, but suffering heavily.

Colonel Joseph C. Cabell, of the Thirty-eighth Vir
ginia, the only field-officer who came out of the battle of
Gettysburg unhurt, was killed in this action.

Among the many who were killed was Colonel Ham-
brick, of the Twenty-fourth Virginia. Major Robert H.

A STRANGE BIRTHDAY CELEBRATION. 34g>

Simpson, of the Seventeenth Virginia, was so severely
wounded that he died shortly afterward.

Whiting so far obeyed the instructions of Beauregard
as to cross the Appomattox River at daylight and move
with his command toward Drury's Bluff, but his energy,
alas! was paralyzed by a second order from Bragg, and he
fell back upon Petersburg without striking a single blow,
without giving any substantial aid to Beauregard's project.

Beauregard was distressed and disappointed. He
affirmed that, had Whiting assisted him in the conjoint
attack which he had planned, Butler's entire army would
have been destroyed.

Beauregard, on being informed that Grant was cross
ing to the south side of James River below City Point,
was obliged to abandon his position, in order that he
might defend Petersburg, on the south side of the Ap
pomattox.

Lee was promptly notified by Beauregard of his inten
tions, but was unable to relieve him in time. Beauregard
was, in consequence, forced to leave the intrenchments,
and Butler, on the morning of the i6th of May, walked
into them without opposition. He thus reached the Rich
mond and Petersburg Railroad, which was unprotected,
and had begun destroying it, when run off by the advance
of Pickett's division.

At daylight, also on the i6th of May, Hunton's bri
gade set off in advance from Malvern Hill, followed by the
rest of Longstreet's corps. Between two and three o'clock
in the afternoon, while this column was moving along the
Petersburg turnpike, about ten miles from Petersburg,
Anderson, who was then commanding the corps, and
Pickett with his staff, riding along together about a quar
ter of a mile in advance of the column, were ambushed
and fired upon by a portion of Butler's troops. Hunton's

35° PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

brigade was hurried up as quickly as possible, followed
by the other brigades. The Federal forces were driven
back toward Bermuda Hundred. They fought hard to
hold the line recently given up by Beauregard, but the
whole line was retaken, and was held by Pickett's division
from that time on until March, 1865, when it was relieved
by Mahone's division and sent off to meet Sheridan's
cavalry raid upon the upper James and around Richmond.
Lee said it was not his intention that this attack on
Bermuda Hundred should be carried to such an extent,
but he was so delighted and gratified with the result, and
so proud of the perseverance and daring of his brave
Virginians that he afterward wrote a complimentary
acknowledgment of their service in the following letter
to Anderson:

CLAY'S HOUSE, 5.30 P.M., June 17, 1864.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL R. H. ANDERSON,

Commanding Longstreet's Corps.

GENERAL: I take great pleasure in presenting to you my congratula
tions upon the conduct of the men of your corps. I believe they will
carry anything they are put against. We tried very hard to stop Pick
ett's men from capturing the breastworks of the enemy, but could not
do it. I hope his loss has been small.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

R. E. LEE, General.

On the I7th, the morning after the battle of Drury's
Farm, Longstreet's corps pursued the Federals to the
Hewlett House on the James River, and bivouacked for
the night in an unfinished earthwork not more than six
hundred yards from the Federal gunboats and monitors,
which kept up an incessant shelling throughout the night.

On the i8th, the corps marched toward Manchester,
and thence on the morning of the 20th, by way of the
Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad to Milford Station,

A STRANGE BIRTHDAY CELEBRATION. 35!

where it had a skirmish with the Federals. It is said that
this fight, together with the misleading statement by some
captured scouts that Lee's headquarters were just across
the river in the large white house, and that his whole army
was close by, delayed Grant for several hours and enabled
Lee to cross the North Anna in advance, for which point
he set out the next day.

On Wednesday, the 25th of May, the old division was
again reunited, and moved to the right on a parallel line
with the Federal army, frequent skirmishing along the
iront making the death-roll larger.

CHAPTER XLII.

COLD HARBOR.

In Revolutionary days Cool Arbor was a favorite sum
mer resort for Virginia society. We can imagine our fore
fathers and foremothers retreating before the vindictive
assaults of the fierce rays of the Virginia sun to the re
freshing shades which gave to Cool Arbor its invigorating
title.

Perhaps the Father of his Country rested here from
the cares devolved upon him by his unmanageable infant.
Alexander Hamilton, turning from contemplation of state
papers and military reports, may have unbent his austere
mind in this sylvan spot, seeking that social relaxation in
which the gravest intellect must sometimes indulge.

Through the corridors of Cool Arbor Inn gracious co
lonial dames and demoiselles walked in majestic array, or
gracefully moved through the mazes of the dance, hap
pily unconscious of the complicated labyrinths of her
aldry they were weaving for future generations.

Heroic followers of Mars turned from devotion to
their stern divinity and enlisted in the service of Cupid,
willingly relinquishing their laurels as conquerors, and con
senting to deck their brows with the myrtles of the con
quered.

Alas, that classic and poetic situations will in time —
and so short a time, too — fade into the merest traditions
and become only fanciful ornamentations for works of
fiction. With the lapse of generations Cool Arbor, with
all its delightful umbrageous suggestions, became com-

352

COLD HARBOR. 353

monplace Cold Harbor, with occasional deterioration into
Coal Harbor, grimy and repellant. No more trailing of
soft silken and lace robes through the shaded corridors of
the old colonial inn. No more tread of martial step, soft
ened deferentially to keep pace with the graceful fall of
delicately slippered feet.

As Cold Harbor, the domain was wrested from the
gentle sway of the tender gods and relegated to the
sterner rule of crimson-hued Mars. The old inn, which
in its ancient Cool Arbor days had softly echoed to the
melodious notes of harp and spinet, became the head
quarters of the commander-in-chief of a great army, and
its walls resounded with military orders and the multi
tudinous discords of war.

For a second time Cold Harbor became the scene of a
battle. In the evolution of the wheel of time the two
armies drew near each other at almost the same point ort
the historic river which two years before had furnished a
field for the battle of Gaines's Mill, otherwise known as
the first battle of Cold Harbor.

Grant had been appointed lieutenant-general and
placed in command of all the United States armies, choos
ing his headquarters with the Army of the Potomac, in
heroic defiance of the political wires which had been
woven into a death-trap for most of the commanders
whose fortunes had heretofore been linked with the east
ern branch of the Federal army.

Over a crimson road had the two armies returned to
Cold Harbor. The Wilderness had become one great,
wide graveyard. The wind which soughed through the
dark and heavy forest sighed a requiem over nearly fifty
thousand of Grant's men.

From October, 1863, until May, 1864, Pickett's division
was detached from the Army of Northern Virginia. On*

354 PICKETT AND HIS MEN,

May 25 it reported to Lee at Hanover Junction, and was
stationed at the front to oppose Grant's attempted cross
ing of the North Anna. Hunton's brigade was near the
old battle-field of Gaines's Mill. While it held this posi
tion Captain Charles F. Linthicum, the adjutant-general
of the brigade, was killed, and Lieutenant John H. Jones,
aide-de-camp, was severely wounded. They had both
done valiant service with the old division ever since 1862.

On the night of the 3ist of May the First Corps under
Anderson, Longstreet having been wounded in the Wilder
ness a few days before, marched with its artillery to a
point near Cold Harbor to join General Hoke in an at
tack upon Grant's left. As the Federal army was strongly
defended, the assault was postponed and the Confederates
prepared fortifications.

Grant had reached nearly the same point in his march
down the river which McClellan, in 1862, had gained in his
upward progress. He was expecting reinforcements from
the Army of the James, then lying before Richmond. Fear
ing that they would be met and cut off by Lee from the
south, he drew down upon the northern bank to intercept
any such movement. Sheridan was sent with his cavalry
and an artillery force to secure Cold Harbor, where he was
heavily attacked on the morning of June I, maintaining
his ground with great difficulty until late in the afternoon,
when he was reinforced by the Sixth Corps and ten thou
sand troops under General W. F. Smith.

In the afternoon of June I, a fierce attack was made
by Smith and Wright upon Hoke and Kershaw, whose
outer line was broken. So gallant a defense they made
that the advance of the assailants was arrested, and the
price of the position gained by the attack was two thou
sand killed and wounded, many of them officers.

At the same time there was a contest on the left of the

COLD HARBOR. 355

line, in which the Federals were repulsed. The forest was
so dense that artillery could not be used, but some guns
were placed along the lines of Kershaw, Pickett and Field
and did good service through the next day.

Night closed the contest of June I. Before morning
Grant had transferred his right to a point beyond Cold
Harbor road, and Lee had sent Hill and Breckenridge
to the defense of his right. Pickett's division was sta
tioned, with the rest of the First Corps, between new and
old Cold Harbor. The troops of Breckenridge and Hill
extended to the Chickahominy. Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry
guarded the line between the Chickahominy and the
James. North of the First Corps and to its left was
Ewell's corps, commanded by Early. At the extreme
left was Heth's division. Over them the June sun poured
down floods of heat and around them surged heavy clouds
of dust as the troops marched over the field on the 2d
of June.

The afternoon of the 2d Lee ordered an assault
upon Grant's right, which was found to be so strongly
posted as to be invincible; whereupon Early erected de
fenses and waited. At about five o'clock in the afternoon
a heavy fall of rain began, continuing into the night.
That night orders were issued by Grant for an assault all
along the line. About half past four the next morning,
Friday, a single gun to the left of the Federal line gave
the signal for the advance upon the Confederate position.

Through the rain of the gray dawn of June 3, a grand
assault was made along the whole six miles of the line.
The Confederate guns opened the counter-attack, and
were followed by the advance of Pickett's skirmishers,
in which Captain Campbell G. Lawson, of the Fifteenth
Virginia, was so badly wounded that he was never again
on a field of battle.

PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

From all the angles of the Confederate lines poured a
stream of fire which left no living thing in its track. Bar
low's division of Hancock's corps fell back before a heavy
rain of shot and shell. Gibbon's division reached the
parapets and recoiled. Wright and Smith were driven
back after an hour's fierce contest. While Warren held
the Confederate line in front, Burnside was to attack the
left. The outposts fell back before his charge, but the
order to attack in force was countermanded, the failure of
the assault on the other part of the line having convinced
Meade that the works could not be carried. Three thou
sand of Hancock's men lay upon the field.

The order to withdraw was given by Meade, the battle
of Cold Harbor was over, and nearly ten thousand of
Grant's troops had gone to reinforce the army of the lost
in that gloomy and blood-stained Wilderness. Grant or
dered a renewal of the attack, but his generals refused to
obey.

CHAPTER XLIII.
"LEE'S MISERABLES."

As previously stated, the line from Hewlett House on
the James, opposite Dutch Gap Canal, across to Swift
Creek and Fort Clifton on the Appomattox, was held by
Pickett's division after the retaking of the lines of Ber
muda Hundred, and we were posted in a grove between
Hewlett's and Chester. My brother-in-law and his little
family were in a log cabin within a stone's throw from our
own, and many of the officers had brought their wives to
cheer their winter hours. So there was no lack of social
diversion. In a small way we had our dances, our con
versaziones and musicales, quite like the gay world that
had never known anything about war except from the
pages of books and the columns of newspapers. True, we
did not feast. Our larders were empty. But we rode, and
drove, and walked, and made calls, very much as leisurely
people do in peaceful days, when something must be found
to occupy the idle mind.

A want more painful for many than the lack of food
or clothing was the poverty of our libraries.

Perhaps you think you know the value of the art of
printing. You go into your library and seat yourself in
an easy chair and look around with complacent air upon
your literary treasures. You could not imagine life with
out your favorite authors. You hear them speak to you
through the silence. You feel the air pulsating with their
swift, strong, warm heart-beats. You stretch out eager
hands and feel the tender clasp of the hands that grasped

357

PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

life's deepest forces in the ages gone. You stand with
prophets, poets, kings, of the great world of thought.
Down in the depths of your soul you thank Faust and
Gutenberg for having been born.

You will never have an adequate sense of the extent
of your indebtedness to those grand old Teutons until you
have grown accustomed to regarding even a last week's
newspaper as a gracious benefaction, a summer novel as
an Olympian gift, a fugitive stanza, drifted across your
way by a friendly wind, as a great rose-garden of the mind,
filling your world full of beauty and fragrance.

If you had known all these things you would realize
what my feelings were when our good friend, General
Rufus Ingalls, of the United States army, sent to us across
the lines a beautiful copy of " Les Miserables." How we
wept with Fantine and Cosette! How we loved the good
Mayor Madeleine, all the dearer to us because he had
once been Jean Valjean! How we hated Javert, that cold
and stony pillar of "authority"! How we starved with
Marius and waxed indignant in contemplating his frigid
grandfather! How we fought over and over the wonder
ful battle of Waterloo, and compared it with other con
tests of which we knew!

The soldiers, with a quick instinct of appropriateness
born of experience, rechristened the work "Lee's Miser
ables," and certainly no book ever achieved the popularity
of that most marvelous picture of life. They watched
with eager eyes and hearts its progress along the line.
They formed groups around the camp-fire and the man
who was deemed to have the greatest elocutionary devel
opment was appointed reader for the assembly.

"It's our turn now. The General's wife said we were
to have 'Lee's Miserables' next," one would cry out
triumphantly.

"LEE'S MISERABLES." 359

" It is too good a book to be lent around in this way to
the men," said a book-lover, jealously, glancing over the
many penciled marks; for after the initiatory christening
and comments the men began in turn as they read it to
write their sentiments, till every space — margin, fly-leaf,
every spot, in fact, where the pencil could find room for
a name, a word, a thought — was covered.

"Let them have the book and mark it all they want
to, for nothing is too good for the poor devils," said the
General, as he smilingly read aloud these marginal notes:
"Abe Lincoln re-elected; has called for a million of men;
and Jeff Davis says war to the knife. What shall we do? "
And again, "We sadly miss thy green persimmons, dear
old Chester, with which thy fields did once so abound, and
which did mercifully help us in our efforts to draw up our
stomachs to the size of our rations." " As our fore
fathers resisted British tyranny, so we shall resist the as
sault upon our constitutional freedom and the sovereignty
of the States of the Confederacy."

I have the old book now, and, in comparison with it,
the most gorgeous edition de luxe of Victor Hugo ever
sent out by enterprising publisher to ravish the eye of the
connoisseur is of no value whatever. " Les Miserables"
was one of the few books published in Charleston, and was
printed on paper manufactured in the Confederacy. The
General sent on and bought for his men a number of copies
of it and of several other books published at that time.

One of my greatest pleasures was to ride along the
lines with the General. The easy, graceful movement of
my horse, the amber sunlight, the glint of color in a late
autumn flower which had escaped the tramp of heavy feet,
the ringing cheers of the men as they saw us coming, all
helped to make me lose sight for a moment of the awful
cause of our being there.

360 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

One morning as we rode along the Hewlett House line,
I saw a puff of smoke rise in the distance, drifting, scat
tering, becoming a mere film as it floated higher and
higher until it was lost against the blue sky.

" How pretty that smoke is," I said.

The General looked at it attentively, then said anx
iously:

"Yes, dangerously beautiful. It is from a shell. The
enemy have begun firing again. Come, you'd better ride
on as fast as you can and let me get you beyond the
danger."

" No, no, General. I could not do that," I replied, with
something of the indignation which a soldier might have
felt upon being recommended to run away from battle.
"Never, never, in the wide world would I let Pickett's
men see your wife riding fast to get away from danger."

As we rode slowly along amid the cheers of the sol
diers, looking as carelessly over at the beautifully curl
ing columns of smoke as if they were harmless clouds,
Captain Smith rode up.

"They are not firing at us," he said, greeting me and
saluting the General. "They are testing their guns, I
think, for the entertainment of Mrs. Grant, who, I learn,
has this morning come down to the lines. She is just
over there, as you see, looking on," handing us his glass.
"Nevertheless, our position is not a safe one. A stray
ball might accidentally strike us here. Would it not be
better for you to take Mrs. Pickett away? Turn to the
left into that clump of trees."

"She will not go," said the General, "and I can not is
sue a military order, as I might in the case of any other
insubordinate. The only disadvantage, Captain, of having
a wife is that, whatever place you may hold on the army
rolls, she outranks you."

"LEE'S MISERABLES." 361

Thus we sat our horses in the glory of the sunbright
Southern morning, and chatted gaily of anything, every
thing, nothing — just what came to us on the fleet wings
of the passing moment, while the guns over on the enemy's
lines troubled the air with their thunderous roar, the puffs
of smoke adding their touches of artistic grace to the
landscape. The balls were aimless. They harmed nothing
but the helpless and unresisting earth, which was scarred
where they fell. It was a playtime of war.

The captain bade us adieu, lifted his hat and rode on
in advance, riding in that graceful way which the South
erner has by inheritance from a long line of ancestors
who have been accustomed to ride over wide reaches
of land. I watched him as he rode on, then — my heart
in terror stands still even now, as I faintly try to record
the dread sight. The captain's horse dashed on down the
lines, bearing a headless body. One of the aimless balls,
.alas! had found a mark.

CHAPTER XLIV.

THE BERMUDA HUNDRED LINES.

When I returned to the Bermuda Hundred lines,
bringing back with me our blessed little baby, there
was none of the pomp and panoply of war, though Rich
mond and Petersburg were one large camp of soldiers.
Day by day the North was growing stronger, the South
weaker.

A number of Pickett's men had learned of our ex
pected arrival, and when the General, thinking the secret
of our coming was all his own, emerged on horseback
from a clump of trees near the railway-station, he found
Colonel Floweree with his band, squads from the dif
ferent regiments, the members of his staff and some of
the brigade and regimental officers, there before him,
waiting to welcome the new little soldier who was com
ing to share with him and them the privations of their
camp-life.

As the old train creaked slowly into the station,
Floweree's band struck up, "See the Conquering
Hero Comes," and cheer after cheer went up for "the
General's baby," for whom bonfires had boen lighted
twenty-nine days before while the happy father was
riding hastily into Richmond to welcome his little
namesake son. He could stay only a few hours, and
when leaving he leaned over the cradle, thanked God
for the blessing of our precious little baby, and put
into his tiny hand the following passport and congratu
lations:

362

THE BERMUDA HUNDRED LINES. 363

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA.

July 17, 1864.

Major-General Pickett has permission to visit Richmond and return.
By order of General Lee. W. H. TAYLOR,

Acting Adjutant-General.

DEAR GENERAL: Accept through me the congratulations of the
general commanding and the whole army. My best wishes in addition.

Yours truly, TAYLOR.

The General, with bowed head and hat in hand, in
grateful acknowledgment of this delicate expression of
the love of his comrades in coming to greet us, rode on
past them and boarded the train just before it reached
the station. As soon as he handed us off, his men sur
rounded us, eager to take a peep into the great bundle of
swaddling-clothes which hid from view their "little gen
eral" as they then christened him.

We were hurried into the carriage, too soon for some, at
least, of the dear soldiers. One, whose name was Young,
and who, as the General told me afterward, had been
wounded in the battle of June 17, coming near losing
his head, which was just missed by a ball, took George
Junior, sans ceremonie^ from my arms, and held him up to
the welcoming gaze of his comrades. With many a word
of love and blessing, our baby was passed on down the
line from one to another. Tenderly, almost reverently,
they touched him, our blessed baby, and many a tear was
dropped on the pillow upon which his thoughtful black
mammy, to ensure his safety, had carefully fastened him.

Meanwhile, the young hero, in wise and dignified si
lence, with closed eyes and clenched fists, received the
love and honors thrust upon him. He may have made
faces, but not a sound did he utter as he passed on in this
his first review. No; Pickett's baby gracefully left the
rebel yell for Pickett's men to make.

364 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

I am ashamed to confess it, but, notwithstanding the
gentleness of the soldiers, baby's quiet, peaceful mien,
and the General's continued assurance that he was all
right, I, his very new and solicitous mother, suffered
agonies of torture and anxiety until he was back again in
my arms; and oh, dear, what a greasy, dirty, grimy little
bundle it was when I did get it back. One would hardly
have recognized the snow-white baby of a few minutes
before. Nor was the soiled linen the only price the " little
general" had to pay for honor and glory — there were
other emoluments. Our poor army, for want of soap and
clothes, had superior numbers of graybacks as well as
bluecoats to fight, and this enemy put our young gen
eral through his first contest and, in spite of our raising
the black flag, and of the combined heroic and immediate
remedies of surgeon, mother, and nurse, it was many days
before our wee, wee soldier recovered from the wounds
received in his first battle.

Our army at this time, numbering about forty to fifty
thousand, was holding a line from a point north of Fort
Harrison, on the north side of the James, to Hatcher's
Creek, south of Petersburg, several miles in length,
bounded on all sides by the Federal army. The Con
federates were in constant fear that Grant would at any
moment swing around our right and shut us up in Rich
mond and Petersburg to starve. He had possession of
the Weldon road and was threatening the Richmond and
Danville Railroad, our only remaining line connecting us
with the Southern States from which we received our
supplies.

The line from Hewlett House, on the James River
opposite Dutch Gap Canal, across to Swift Creek and Fort
Clifton on the Appomattox, a distance of about three
miles, was held by Pickett's division, which numbered

THE BERMUDA HUNDRED LINES. 365

between four and five thousand men. Our line was so
drawn out when thrown into the trenches that it made
scarcely more than a strong skirmish-line, while the Fed
eral lines were full. Pickett's men worked hard to make
their position a strong one, and were always on the qui
vive for an assault.

At many points the Confederate and Federal lines
were so close together that the soldiers of the two armies
could talk to each other in an ordinary tone of voice, could
exchange newspapers, tobacco for coffee, and so on.

The venturesome Confederates frequently made cap
tives of the Federal pickets, once sweeping their line of
rifle-pits for more than a hundred yards, and taking a
hundred and thirty-six prisoners. On one occasion the
leader of the Southern band had been promised some
music-sheets in exchange for some Confederate bonds
and, at the appointed time, went out midway between
the lines for the proposed exchange. When they sepa
rated the Federal bandmaster handed to him a roll of
paper. On regaining our lines he found the papers to be
a proclamation of General B. F. Butler, offering to de
serters twenty dollars in cash, or employment in the com
missary or quartermaster's department of the army or
navy, or transportation to their homes if within the Fed
eral lines. There was a promised reward for the judi
cious disposition of these papers, but the loyal band
master brought them to headquarters, where they were all
destroyed except two, one of which I have. After this,
strenuous efforts were made by the officers to break up all
social intercourse.

The chivalry and devotion of the soldiers of Pickett's
division in the defense of their homes and firesides as an
inherent, inalienable right had drawn them very near to
each other. The humanity and kindliness of these sol-

PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

diers was a beautiful sermon. As a class, they were free
from vice, immorality and quarreling. Card-playing, one
of the sad dissipations of the first two years of the war,
had disappeared. The religious spirit awakened in the
division by Dr. Tyler at Taylorsville in 1863, when hun
dreds of the soldiers professed Christ, seemed still to
prevail.

Now and again in passing along in the rear of the tents
the ragged, ill-fed Confederate would be seen on his
knees, pouring out his soul to his tTiessed Saviour and
invoking his blessing on our cause, and his protecting
care for the loved ones at home. Our chaplains were as
patriotic as they were zealous, many being wounded and
killed in battle. The venerable General Pendleton, chief
of artillery, who, at the first battle of Manassas, would
say as he led his men on, "Lord, have mercy on their
souls! Fire, men! Fire!" often prayed and preached for
the division. Reverend J. Taylor Frazier organized a
Young Men's Christian Association, and was one of the
most earnest of the workers in the cause of Christianity.
It was noticeable that whenever religious services were
held almost every man off duty would be in attendance.
Many of these soldiers who, I have heard, were wild,
profane, and some of them dissipated, have since
become ministers, and three, that I know of, are now
bishops.

They needed, too, poor fellows, all the comfort that
religion could bring, for these were dark and trying days.
Every turn of the wheel reduced the supplies and in
creased the demands of the waning Confederacy. The
price of the necessaries of life had risen to such an enor
mous height that the soldier's pay of eleven dollars a
month was not sufficient to buy a half-bushel of wheat.
His rations were a fourth of a pound of bacon, one pint

THE BERMUDA HUNDRED LINES. 367

of corn-meal, unsifted, with now and then a bottle of sor
ghum, a few beans or peas, or a little rice; no sugar,
coffee, or soap.

It took sixty of our dollars to buy one dollar in gold.
One pound of soda cost fourteen dollars; a loaf of bread,
two dollars; unbleached cotton and calico, six dollars a
yard; shoes, from one to three hundred dollars a pair.
But the privations of camp-life and the dangers of the
battle-field were nothing to the poor soldier in com
parison with the almost certain knowledge that his wife
and children and mother were cold and hungry. What
wonder is it, then, devoted though they were to their
cause, that there should yet be some desertions from
their ranks? The following incident will show what ex
cuse mercy, if not justice, might plead in their defense.

One morning when my nurse returned from the de
serters' pen, where I had sent her with a bucket of sor
ghum cakes for its poor doomed occupants, she told me
that the guard said that one of the men in the pen was
from my home, and knew me, and that he had been beg
ging to be allowed to send me a letter.

" Go back at once," I said, impulsively, "and tell the
guard to get the letter and give it to you to bring to me."

She soon returned, bringing a package tied up in a
corn-husk. On the husk was written, " For the General's
wife when I am dead." The package contained three let
ters, a little sealed box, and two rings carved out of
•charcoal. A slip of paper on one said, "For Pa's little
lady"; on the other, "For Pa's little man; and he mustn't
forget his Pa; and he must be a good boy, and look after
his Ma." The box and letters were directed to his mother
and wife. The unsealed letter was written on both sides
of the paper. One side was written to me. On the other
side was a letter from his wife, as follows:

368 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

B N , Dec. 17, 1864.

MY DEAR B : Christmus is most hear again, and things is worse

and worse. I have got my last kalica frock on, and that's patched.
Everything me and children's got is patched. Both of them is in bed
now covered up with comforters and old pieces of karpet to keep them
warm, while I went 'long out to try and get some wood, for their feet's
on the ground and they have got no clothes, neither; and I am not able
to cut the wood, and me and the children have broke up all the rails
'roun' the yard and picked up all the chips there is. We haven't got
nothing in the house to eat but a little bit o ' meal. The last pound of meet

you got from Mr. G is all eat up, and so is the chickens we raised.

I don't want you to stop fighten them yankees till you kill the last one
of them, but try and get off and come home and fix us all up some and
then you can go back and fight them a heep harder than you ever fought
them before. We can't none of us hold out much longer down hear.
One of General Mahone's skouts promis me on his word to carry this
letter through the lines to you, but, my dear, if you put off a-comin'
'twon't be no use to come, for we'll all hands of us be out there in the
garden in the old graveyard with your ma and mine.

The letter to me said:

When I got this letter on the back hear from you see how

'twas. I knowed they want a-givin" no furloughs, but I knowed, too, that

whether they was or no, I was a-goin' home to look after , but

I wanted to go strait if I could, so I went up to headquarters, and I saw
the General hisself. He said he didn't have no power to do nothin'
hisself, that his orders were strick, but that he would give it a strong
indorse and send it up. I couldn't hardly wait till the next day, but I
kep' a-sayin1 to myself, "Go strait, Billy, go strait if you can; but if you
can't go strait, Billy, by golly, go anyhow"; an' when it come back re
fused, I says to 'em all, "I'm a-goin1, "an1 then I went back and told my

captin I was a-goin', for would never have written a letter like

that unless she was mighty bad off; and I went. I got home all right
and seed after them. If I had 'a' staid down thar I would 'a' been a de
serter; but I didn't stay — no, I come back, and I ain't one. Seems like
luck was against me, though, for just as I was nigh onto a half-mile of

camp that old G p arrested me and I was found guilty, and am in the

next passel that's got to be took out. When the thing is all done and
over I want you, please, marm, to write to the folkes and sorter smooth

THE BERMUDA HUNDRED LINES. 369

it down 'bout how it all happened to be. They all remembers you and
always asks after you. They sets a heep of store by me, and I don't

want them to think nothin' bad of me, and then mought blame

herself some if she knowed; so please, marm, kiver it all over. Kiverin'
it won't hurt nothin' and it mought ease things a bit. I know all your
folkes and I went to school to your Uncle Jasper close onto a year.
I knowed your brother Tom before he died, and he want afeered of
nothin' on earth; he'd pull off his co«tt and roll up his sleeves and fight
a elefant if the elefant had 'a1 been a-tryin' to impose on him or anybody
else littler than him. Well, this is the end of the paper, and when
you get this t'will be the end of me, too. God bless you, God in heaven
bless you — double times. Please, ;narm, don't let none of them
douun home lose store by me if you can help it. Please, marm, and
that is all.

Thus on the cold and cheerless hearth of the lowly
cabin burned the fires of patriotic ardor, and the poorr
unlettered soldier, having to the best of his small abil
ity ministered to the wants of his suffering family, had
voluntarily returned to his duty under his flag, regard
less of the danger of meeting a deserter's unhonored
death.

I went into the next room where the General and
Colonel Harrison were working over a map, and handed
the letter to the General. As he read it his great,
glorious, gray eyes filled with tears. Scolding me
for what I had done, he gave the letter to Colonel
Harrison.

"Well," said the Colonel, as he returned the letter,
"there is nothing to be done about it, dear lady. These
miserable wretches have got to be shot in the morning,
and all your pretty play — is pretty play. They have been
tried by court martial, their sentence approved, and the
General has nothing on earth to do with it, and can't help
it. You and Lady H. not only look very much alike,
but you are very much alike."

37° PICKET T AND HIS MEN,

"Discipline and the exigencies of the service demand
a rigid enforcement of military laws," said the General.

I knew my General's great, generous heart, and I knew
that those men would not be shot. The next morning
before sunrise the execution of the sentence was post
poned. Three days afterward an order came from Rich
mond reprieving all deserters.

CHAPTER XLV.

THE PEACE COMMISSION. — THE LAST REVIEW OF PICKETT's

DIVISION.

In spite of the darkening gloom, the fall of Fort Fisher,
the evacuation of Tennessee by Hood's army, Sherman's
march to Charleston, danger, starvation and cold, Pick-
ett's men were hopeful and full of faith.

All through the winter the men had been in the
trenches and the officers alert to prevent surprise. They
had small huts to shelter them from the beating storm.
To add to their qMscomfort fuel was very scarce and dif
ficult to secure. They were dependent upon a small belt
of timber between their own and the Federal skirmish-
line. It was necessary that a guard should accompany
the party procuring the wood, in order to ward off sur
prise.

Notwithstanding all precautions, many were captured.
One of the pluckiest and most venturous of the wood-
gatherers, Adam Thompson, the mascot of the division,
became so absorbed that before he knew it he was taken
prisoner. Such an immense man was Mr. Adam, with
such an enormous foot, that special orders had to be given
to the quartermaster for his shoes and clothes. In an
nouncing this capture, the Federals said: " One milk-
white prisoner, three and a half feet across the back, legs
in proportion, and each foot encased in a side of sole
leather." Later on, when exchanging some prisoners cap
tured in the rifle-pits, the Federals demanded four of their
mep for our Mr. Adam, to which demand we gladly acceded.

371

372 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

The last of January the peace commissioners ap
pointed by the Confederate government to meet the
representatives of the Federal government passed
through the lines and went down the James River.
The whole army was full of hope that an amicable
adjustment would be made. Alas!

Our commissioners were Vice- President Stephens, As
sistant Secretary of War Campbell, and R. ]VL T. Hunter,
Confederate Senator for Virginia. They were instructed
to meet any representative whom President Lincoln
should select, with the purpose of treating for peace be
tween the " two countries." Lincoln had consented to the
meeting to discuss measures of restoring peace to "our
common country." This discrepancy had not a tendency
to pave the way to a satisfactory conference.

Lincoln appointed Seward to meet the representatives
of the Confederate government, and in his letter of in
structions said:

You will make known to them that three things are indispensable, to
wit : i. The restoration of the national authority throughout the States.
2. No receding by the Executive of the United States on the slavery
question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual message
to Congress and in preceding documents. 3. No cessation of hostilities
short of an end of the war and the disbanding of all forces hostile to the
government. You will inform them that all propositions of theirs, not
inconsistent with the above, will be considered and passed upon in a
spirit of sincere liberality. You will hear all that they may choose to
say and report it to me. You will not assume to definitely consummate
anything.

As the first meeting of Seward with the Confederate
commissioners was not successful, Lincoln was induced
by Grant to go in person to meet the Southern representa
tives.

Mr. Stephens set forth the theory that secession was

THE PEACE COMMISSION.— THE LAST REVIEW. 373

the best remedy for sectional differences. As this view
was not favorably received, he suggested a union for the
purpose of expelling the French from Mexico. Lincoln
and Seward agreed with him as to the undesirability of
the new Gallic neighbors, but thought the United States
government able to drive them away. Mr. Lincoln would
treat only on the basis of reunion and the abolition of
slavery. Mr. Hunter's report contains the following:

Mr, Lincoln said that a politician on his side had declared that four
million dollars ought to be given by way 01 compensation to the slave
holders, and in this opinion he expressed his concurrence. Mr. Seward
was impatient and walked across the floor and said that he thought the
United States had done enough in expending so much money on the war,
and had suffered enough in enduring the losses incident to carrying on
the war. Mr. Lincoln said that if it was wrong in the South to hold
slaves it was wrong in the North to carry on the slave-trade and sell
them to the South and to hold on to the money thus procured if the
slaves were to be taken by them again. Mr. Lincoln said, however, that
he was not authorized to make such a proposition, nor did he make it.

The President said he could not treat with armed men.
Hunter answered that this had often been done, especially
by Charles I. when at war with his Parliament. Lincoln
replied that he did not know much about history; that he
usually left that kind of thing to Seward. All that he dis
tinctly recalled about Charles I. was that he lost his head.

Of this conference, which took place February 3, 1865,
on board the River Queen, Lincoln thus made report to
Congress:

On the morning of the 3d, the three gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens,
Hunter and Campbell, came aboard of our steamer and had an interview
with the Secretary of State and myself, of several hours duration. No
question preliminary to the meeting was then and there made or men
tioned. No other person was present. No papers were exchanged or pro
duced; it was in advance agreed that the conversation was to be informal

374 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

and verbal merely. On our part the whole substance of the instructions
to the Secretary of State hereinbefore recited was stated and insisted
upon and nothing was said inconsistent therewith; while by the other
party it was not said in any event or in any condition they ever would
consent to reunion; and yet they equally omitted to declare that they
never would so consent. They seemed to desire a postponement of that
question and the adoption of some other course first, which, as some of
them seemed to argue, might or might not lead to reunion; but which
course we thought would amount to an indefinite postponement. The
conference ended without result.

The news of the unsuccessful termination of the peace
commission soon spread through the whole army, and
hope died in all hearts. Anxious faces indicated the deep
sorrow with which the failure of the conference was re
garded. It was possible that the leaders might know of
a prospect of foreign intervention of which the army was
ignorant. Unless this was true, nothing was left but to
fight it out to the bitter end.

After the failure of the peace commission was known
there was held in General Pickett's tent a consultation of
the officers of his division. As they talked, their words
drifted out to me. Said one:

"We must hush all hope of peace in our hearts with
the cry of, ' War to the knife! ' All skulkers and absentees
must be driven into the army. I believe the Yankees are
as tired of war as we are."

Another suggested: "Why not free the negroes? They
would be as loyal to us if we freed them as to our enemies,
who can give them certainly no more than we can, unless it is
better rations and pay, but their love for us and the confi
dence they have in us will more than counterbalance that."

"Certainly," responded another, " they are no dearer
than our own sons. We are willing to sacrifice our sons,
our fathers, and ourselves; why not our property? Is our
property dearer than our own lives?"

THE PEA CE COMMISSION. — THE LAST RE VIE W. 375

Another said: "I believe the great bulk of the army
is ready to make any sacrifice for our separate existence
as a people and the cause of liberty. As our forefathers
resisted British tyranny, we must resist Northern oppres
sion."

Said another: "Our object is, not the negro, but in
dependence and a separate government, for which I am
willing to abolish slavery and give up any and every thing
else."

"With such patriotism — such valiant soldiery," said
the General, "our independence shall be accomplished.
The North is turning the Southern negro into Northern
bonds, and I, too, believe that the majority of the army
want to free the negro and make him help us to work. I
know that the majority of Pickett's men favor it. We
shall lose everything else if we attempt to preserve and
perpetuate slavery, and in the end, of course, lose that.
It should have been done in 1863."

"Well, at any rate," it was agreed, "the last hope of
peace, save that which follows in the tread of the con
queror, is over for the South."

The last winter of the Confederacy had been one of
privation, hardship and painful anxiety. The end was
drawing near. The March winds and gusts of the pre
vious days had lulled themselves to sleep, and March had
borrowed from her sister month one of her softest, most
beautiful days for this the last review, on this side of the
dark waters, of the grand old Virginia division of Pickett's
men. I was on horseback beside the General, proudly
witnessing this last review of his beloved command. The
order to march was handed to the General just after the
first brigade had passed on.

When the last man had passed in review, and the last
salute had been given and acknowledged, the order to

376 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

march was read and published. There was not a man in
the whole division who did not feel the hopelessness of
prolonging this strife, who did not know that it was then
but a mere calculation of the few days and weeks which
would elapse until the end. Yet, without a complaint,
these brave men received marching orders.

Sheridan, the untiring and unconquerable, with his
ten thousand cavalry, had routed Early at Waynesboro
and dispersed his little band of three thousand men, and
was on his way to Richmond, it was reported, via Char-
lottesville, from the North, and the command was moving
up to Richmond and to the outer line of intrenchments
north of the city. Pickett was to go and look after him.

We should take away with us many sacred memories
of our eventful camp life. The years of common suffer
ing, of sharing each other's pleasures and bearing each
other's woes, had bound us all together by the most sacred
and loyal of ties, till "comrade" seemed to me a closer,
truer tie than "brother." The camp was broken. The
last review of Pickett's division was over. Our baby, the
" little general," with hearty blessings, had been sent on
ahead with his faithful mammy two hours in advance of
my departure.

I was waiting, ready to start. I had listened to the
tramp of regiment after regiment as they in turn folded
their tents and marched away. The drums of the rear
guard were growing fainter and fainter in the distance, as
we caught sight of Lucy with her silken coat and limpid
eyes full of tenderness and fire, and her slim, clean legs
and small, unerring feet, as she skimmed over the field
with blood as blue as that of her matchless rider. Tom
Friend, one of the General's couriers, was riding behind
him. They were coming back from the front for me.
Bob promptly brought up my horse which was saddled

THE PEA CE COMMISSION. — THE LAST RE VIE W. 377

and waiting. I mounted and galloped forward to meet
the General. As we rode slowly away he looked thought
fully and sadly around him and sighed a farewell to tent
and camp of Hewlett House, Chester and the lines of
breastworks. This position, important as the main line
of defense between Richmond and Petersburg, and oppos
ing any advance by the Federals, he had occupied since
the i6th of May, 1864.

Through the soft lights and shades and the perfumed
breath of the dawn of the year, we rode away from our
first and last camp, and on together to the old Pickett
home in Richmond, where the General was to leave me
and rejoin his division. He said good-by, and as we
knelt beside our baby's cradle we placed each other in
God's holy keeping.

"Take care of mamma, my little man, if papa should
not come back. I leave her to you, my dear, dear little
namesake son. Ask mamma to tell you what papa says,
and if — there, there," he said cheerily; "I must go now.
Smiles — come, smiles — give me smiles; no tears, mind,"
and he went out of the door and down the steps, two at a
time, whistling "The Girl I Left Behind Me."

A little while later I heard the drums beating, and
baby's nurse rushed in to say:

"Dem sojer troops an' drums you yeahs a-comin' is
ourn. Yas'm, dey is; dey is we all's derwision-troops, an'
hit certainly is scand'lus de way dey is a-playin' music an'
gwine on, an' de folks — de folks, dey is bad ez de sojers, fer
dey is hollerin' an' cheerin' an' waffin' dar hank'chers an'
apuns an' hats at 'em, jis' lak dey wuz gwine ter a darncin'-
party, bestid er gwine ter dar def-warrants, lak dey is.
'Deed an' 'deed, hit's turrible — 'deed, 'tis. Dey ought ter
be singin' hymns an' prayin' an' sayin' 'amen, Lord —
amen!' 'Deed, dey ought."

378 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

I brushed away my tears, caught up my baby, who had
just awakened, snatched from the nurse's hand the bunch
of white violets which she said she had "jes* bruck fum
off'n dem li'le low-growin' bushes what dey sed Marse
Gawge's ma had plant de year 'fo' she tuck sick an' die,"
and ran down the steps to the gate.

The division halted as it drew near. When its leader
came to say good-by I closed baby's hands over the
cluster of white violets and held it out to him. He carried
the snowy blossoms away with him, as the division
marched forward shouting, "Three cheers for the little
general and his mother!"

Ten years later, brown and withered, with time, the
tiny cluster of violets went down to the grave with all
that was mortal of the soldier who carried them in their
sweet perfume and snowy bloom at the head of his brave
division.

CHAPTER XLVI.

ON TO DINWIDDIE COURT-HOUSE.

It is a heartaching service to record the gathering
gloom of the last days of the Confederacy, when the
noblest blood of the Southland stained the mother clay
as her sons uselessly gave up their lives, gun in hand and
faces forward, where their officers led, the officers feeling,
as they gave the order, how vain, alas! it all was. To us
who lived through the darkness of those days there is
yet a black shadow falling around us like the memory
of an awful dream.

Poor Confederacy! She had nothing to oppose to the
affluence of resources possessed by the enemy save the
unconquerable gallantry of her children, who fought
against such odds as had never before stood in the way
of freedom.

When Pickett received and obeyed the telegram from
Lee, ordering him to move to the right of Petersburg, he
knew, and his men knew, that it was a forlorn hope.

No cheek blanched, no muscle quivered, as the order
was read. There was no weakening of their proud res
olution to fight the battle for principle through sacrifice,
however vain, to the end.

As I humbly, reverently, record these last days, I lov
ingly lay the immortal laurel of gratitude, prayer, love
and tears entwined on —

"The sacred grave
Of these last men who, vainly brave,
Died for the land they could not save."

379

380 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

Pickett received the order from Lee on the 29th day
of March, 1865, at Swift's Creek, where he, with two of his
brigades, Corse's and Terry's, were bivouacked. Stuart's
brigade was west of Petersburg, and was ordered to join
Pickett en route. Hunton's brigade, the brave old com
mand at the head of which Garnett met his glorious death
on the field of Gettysburg, was with Longstreet on the
north of the James River.

The entire division had been ordered to march, but it
was found that there was transportation for only three
brigades. In order to secure a whole division, Longstreet
suggested drawing Mahone from Bermuda Hundred and
allowing Pickett to replace him, but Lee preferred a part
of Pickett's division, and ordered the three brigades for
ward.

Pickett, in carrying out the order of Lee, endeavored
to make the movement as stealthily as possible, though he
knew it was impossible to conceal entirely from the
knowledge of the Federals the action of Stuart's brigade
near Petersburg, it being in the range of vision from the
Federal lookout-stations.

Pickett, with the brigades of Corse, Terry and Stuart
was to cross the Appomattox River, passing Petersburg,
where they were to take the cars by the South-side Rail
road to Sutherland's Station, ten miles west of Peters
burg, and to move thence to Sutherland's Tavern on the
railroad. Fitz Lee's cavalry had already preceded the in
fantry to the tavern, and he had from that point com
municated with Pickett who, with the three brigades,
reached the station a little after nine o'clock in the
evening.

At ten o'clock the same night (the 2Qth), R. H. An
derson sent an order to Pickett to come on with his three
brigades by a cross-road to the White Oak road, over

ON TO DINWIDDIE COURT-HOUSE. 381

Hatcher's Run, and take a position to the right of Bush-
rod Johnson's division, at the extreme right of the Con
federate line.

The roads and streams were almost impassable, but
Pickett's indefatigable men without a murmur moved on
through the drenching rain, over the muddy roads, ford
ing streams and gullies.

Pickett, with his soldierly mien, led them on, ever and
anon appearing among them, his genial, sunny smile help
ing many a jaded infantryman to step out with a brighter
face and a firmer tread, as he would pass on, whistling
with his inimitable, beautiful whistle, " Dixie," "The Bon
nie Blue Flag," "Maryland," "Annie Laurie," "The Girl
I Left Behind Me," or some other familiar air equally
dear to the soldier's heart. Or, with a word of good
cheer, he would wave his cap and go on, leaving the air
behind him radiant with sympathy and affection.

The presence of the born leader of soldiers is as strong
and uplifting in arduous and wearisome marches as it is
inspiring in battle.

About daybreak of the 3Oth, with the rain still pouring,
Pickett with his command arrived upon the White Oak
road between Dinwiddie Court-house and Five Forks, the
brigades extending for some distance up the road.

At about ten o'clock of the morning of the same day
General Lee came up to the right of the Confederate line
and held a consultation with his chiefs. During this
council a prisoner was brought into camp. He was a cap
tain in Sheridan's cavalry, and was captured near Five
Forks. Upon the examination of this officer, he let out
the information that the whole Federal cavalry, more than
fifteen thousand strong, supported by a heavy infantry
force, was at or near Dinwiddie Court-house.

Lee did not give much credence to the statements

382 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

of the Federal captain, nor did Heth, who was one of the
chiefs mentioned as being in consultation with him, but
just about this time a message came from Fitz Lee, stat
ing that the enemy's cavalry were in great force at Five
Forks, and had driven in all of his pickets.

Upon this information, Lee at once sent orders to Fitz
Lee to take command of the whole cavalry, his own divi
sion, the division of W. H. F. Lee, and a part of Rosser's
division, and make an attack upon the cavalry force at
Five Forks.

At noon on the same day Lee ordered Pickett to move
on to Five Forks with his small force of artillery and in
fantry, consisting of his own three brigades, Matt Ran
som's and Wallace's brigades (both together not equal to
a full brigade), and six rifled pieces of artillery under
Colonel Pegram, and take command of the whole force.

The main object of the attack was to break the Federal
left. The proposed plan to further that end was that Pick
ett should press down upon Dinwiddie Court-house, and as
far down upon the front as possible, and that R. H. Ander
son should at the same time make an attack in front.

The Federal cavalry was in strong force between the
right of the Confederate line and Five Forks, and Pick-
ett's men, being compelled to drive the Federals out of
their way the entire distance, the skirmishing in their
front and flank being continuous, they could not of course
make much of a record as to speed.

After eighteen hours of continuous marching through
the discomforts of rain, slush and hunger, and the dan
gers of shot, shell and saber, Pickett reached Five Forks.
There had already been a sharp skirmish at this point be
tween the two cavalry forces. Immediately on Pickett's
arrival he threw out two regiments of infantry, and the
Federal cavalry was soon driven in.

ON TO DINWIDDIE COURT-HOUSE. 383

It was Pickett's intention to push on to Dinwiddie
Court-house, but, after consultation with Fitz Lee, the
other cavalry not as yet having joined him, the night be
ing dark and rainy, and his own men tired and worn out,
it was decided that he should stop.

In order to keep the Federals at a respectful distance
during the night, Pickett threw out two of his brigades on
the Court-house road. Corse and Terry advanced almost
a mile, driving the Federal cavalry before them ; though, be
ing dismounted and armed with the repeating rifle, the
troopers made a vigorous fight. The strength of the
enemy was beyond conjecture.

On the morning of the 3ist, Lee led McGowan's,
Gracie's, Hunton's and Wise's brigades against the Fed
eral Fifth Corps, commanded by Warren, which was posted
between Pickett's command and the Confederate forti
fications. Warren was driven back behind Gravelly Run.

Pickett placed W. H. F. Lee's and Rosser's cavalry
on the right, followed by the infantry and artillery. Fitz
Lee's division, commanded by Thomas T. Mumford, was
at the left. W. H. F. Lee's cavalry preceded the infantry
column on the direct road to a crossing at Chamberlayne's
Creek, and Mumford moved by an immediate road in the
same direction.

At the fork of Chamberlayne's Creek, W. H. F. Lee
made one of the most brilliant and severe cavalry fights of
the war, forcing a crossing immediately in face of a superior
force of the Federal troops, who had all the advantages of
position, with a stream of water in front. The infantry
were unable to cross at this point, and sought a passage
lower down, Terry's brigade leading. It suffered serious
loss in the passage, though it made a brilliant dash across
the creek and killed and captured about a hundred of the
enemy, driving their forces back to Dinwiddie Court-house.

384 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. *

The loss of the Confederates was chiefly confined to
W. H. F. Lee's cavalry and Terry's and Corse's brigades.
Many valuable officers were killed.

Although the Fifth Corps had suffered great loss, it
rallied and charged against Lee's brigades, but was again
forced back to White Oak road and then to the fortifica
tions.

The darkness of night fell over the Confederates with
in but half a mile of Dinwiddie Court-house. Had some
good Southern Joshua been there to stop the sun in its
course for even one little half-hour the court-house would
have been ours.

The Federals were being strongly reinforced with in
fantry, Grant, in response to Sheridan's request, having
ordered up the Fifth Corps under Warren, numbering
fifteen thousand. The whole of Sheridan's and Kautz's
cavalry were in front, MacKenzie's division, sixteen thou
sand strong, having been sent forward.

When the battle was over Pickett sent a courier to Lee,
who was on the lines at Petersburg, telling him of the suc
cess of the day, but stating that he had just ascertained,
through his scouts, the certainty of the heavy infantry
support to Sheridan's cavalry at Dinwiddie Court-house,
and that he had no option but to withdraw with his small
force. This he proposed to do under cover of the night.
Further assurance of the truth of this report proved to
Pickett that his decision was a judicious one. He ac
cordingly left the front of Dinwiddie Court-house at two
o'clock on the morning of the 1st day of April, and
started back toward Five Forks.

Thus ended another scene in the fifth act of the tragedy
on which the dark curtain was so soon to fall.

CHAPTER XLVII.

FIVE FORKS.

For nearly two years after the fatal battle of Gettys
burg the war had drawn its slow length along with vary
ing fortunes, and now the end had almost come. Im
penetrable gloom had closed around the Confederacy, and
its shadow fell heavily over those who for four years had
so heroically borne the heartbreak of ineffectual struggle.

In February, 1865, President Davis relinquished his
military authority, and General R. E. Lee became gen-
eral-in-chief of the Confederate armies. All communi
cation with foreign powers was closed, and no more hope
of assistance remained.

Lee's object was to reach the mountainous regions of
Virginia and North Carolina and join Johnston's forces,
while Grant's policy was to prevent the juncture.

On the last of March Lee's army of less than forty
thousand was stretched until its extreme right rested on
Five Forks, fifteen miles southwest of Petersburg, a situ
ation which justified Lee's reflection on the 2d of April,
when the line had been penetrated by the Federal Sixth
Corps, and the gallant A. P. Hill lay dead on the field near
Petersburg: "It has happened as I told them at Rich
mond it would happen. The line has been stretched until
it has broken."

During the long struggle of the South for nationality,
no more desperate and heroic action occurred than took
place at Five Forks on April I, 1865.

When Federal reinforcements were sent to Sheridan

25 385

386 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

at Dinwiddie Court-house the intention of Grant was that
the Fifth Corps, fifteen thousand strong, should attack
Pickett's left and cut off retreat.

Grant was general-in-chief of the United States Army,
and his power was exceedingly great, but he could not
control the elements. The rain fell heavily on the night
of the 3ist, and the Fifth Corps, toiling over the difficult
road, found no enemy awaiting it at the end of its weari
some journey.

Pickett, having notice of the projected attack, changed
his orders for battle, and withdrew to Five Forks, which he
reached early in the morning of April i, followed by Sheri
dan's troops. The movement was made in perfect order
and as discreetly and quietly as possible. They brought
all their wounded off the field and buried all their dead.

After a fatiguing march over roads and streams almost
impassable because of the heavy rains, Five Forks was
reached, where, having a few hours the start of Sheridan,
Pickett halted to rest, but almost immediately upon his
arrival he received a message from Lee, in response to one
sent by Pickett the preceding day, saying:

Hold Five Forks at all hazards. Protect road to Ford's Depot
and prevent Union forces from striking the South-side Railroad. Re
gret exceedingly your forced withdrawal, and your inability to hold the
advantage you had gained. R. E. LEE.

Five Forks, the point which Lee ordered Pickett to
"hold at all hazards," is simply a crossing at right angles
of two country roads and the deflecting of a third road
bisecting one of these angles. It is situated in a low, flat
country, and has no natural points of defense. Its only
fortification was a hastily constructed breastwork.

The place was absolutely not capable of being pro
tected except by a very large body of troops, and the

FIVE FORKS. 387

small force directed to hold it could easily have been
turned on the right or left and isolated from the main
army at Petersburg. It was, therefore, a most unfortu
nate selection of a field on which to meet a superior force,
and yet six thousand men — infantry, cavalry and artillery,
all told — were stationed here to hold the ground against
an attack by thirty-five thousand troops, supported by
heavy artillery. The task was impossible of achievement,
but the effort was, nevertheless, most bravely made.

Where nature supports a small force of men the com
bination may prove invincible, even to an army much su
perior in numbers. She throws up impregnable defenses,
erects stone walls and creates caves of darkness for the
protection of her chosen few. On a straight, wide plain
nature stands aside and views the antagonists with im
partial eye, while Mars radiantly smiles upon the largest
army and the heaviest guns.

Pickett had all his trains parked in rear of Hatcher's
Run, and would have greatly preferred to hold his posi
tion at that point. He inferred, however, from Lee's
selection of Five Forks and his positive order to hold it
"at all hazards," that he, of course, intended to send to
him at once a strong reinforcement.

Immediately, therefore, upon the receipt of Lee's per
emptory order to "hold Five Forks" Pickett formed his
line of battle on the White Oak road, at right angles and
across the Ford road which intersects the South-side
Railroad, and set his men to throwing up breastworks.
They dug a ditch, felled pine-trees, and threw the
earth up behind the felled logs, and though they knew
the holding of Five Forks would be hazardous, cheerfully
worked and waited. It was nine o'clock on Saturday
morning, when the line was formed. The number and
disposition of the Confederate force was as follows:

388 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Matt Ransom's and Wallace's brigades, acting as one,
and, combined, not numbering over eight hundred men,
were on the left. Stuart's brigade, amounting to about one
thousand, was next on the right, and extended to the forks
of the roads. Then came Corse's brigade, one thousand
strong, and then Terry's, eight hundred strong, support
ing Corse's on the right of the line. The six rifled pieces
of artillery were placed along the line at wide intervals.

Fitz Lee's cavalry was ordered into position on the left
flank; W. H. F. Lee's on the right flank; McCausland's
and Bearing's cavalry were all of Rosser's division that
were present, though they did fine service. The cavalry
numbered in all about twenty-five hundred men. Thus
cavalry, infantry and artillery amounted to not over six
thousand men, to meet Sheridan's cavalry, numbering in
itself more than five times that of Pickett's whole com
mand. In addition to Sheridan's own force, he was sup
ported by Warren's infantry corps.

As soon as the Confederates were in position they be
gan cutting down trees, piling up logs, digging trenches
and erecting obstructions. Their work was interrupted
only when they were compelled to seize their guns to re
pel an attack. Three times the labor was thus suspended,
the Federals having begun the attack upon the front as
soon as the line was formed. Having repelled the foe,
they would immediately return to their work, which they
enlivened by singing "My Maryland," "Dixie," and
"Bonnie Blue Flag."

The hurried work of three hours of these hungry,
march-fatigued veterans, a shallow ditch, a few loose, dirt-
covered pine logs were their only line of breastworks, and
yet these devoted men were ready to " do or die."

About two o'clock in the afternoon, a general advance
and attack began along the whole front and on the right

FIVE FORKS. 389

flank, which was quickly repulsed with considerable loss
to the enemy. Pickett had a short time before ridden to
the north side of Hatcher's Run and, hearing the sound
of battle, he galloped through a rain of fire and balls from
Crawford's troops on the Ford road.

Soon after he reached his command Colonel Pegram
of the artillery was mortally wounded, and fell near where
the General was standing reforming his line. Pegram
was shot from his horse by a sharpshooter just after the
charge had been repulsed, and fell in rear of two of his
guns.

A few minutes after this attack a terrific fire of mus
ketry to the left and rear was heard. The apprehension
of Pickett's troops that the left wing had been turned and
doubled back and that they would be taken in reverse
proved unhappily true. Warren's corps had swept around
to the left flank, while Sheridan's cavalry, mounted and
dismounted, was engaging the front and right. Warren
forced Ransom and Wallace back and doubled them on
Stuart's brigade of Pickett's division.

Hunton's brigade was withdrawn from the front,
moved double-quick to the left and thrown forward to
meet the attacking column, Pickett leading, cheering on
the men, waving the Confederate battle-flag. He dashed
up to Colonel Floweree, whose regiment was on the left.
Informing him of the situation of affairs, he said:

"I depend upon your regiment to save the day. You
will have to grapple with twice your number, but I know
I can depend upon you."

Colonel Floweree, was a fearless, gallant, determined
soldier, and a jovial, jolly fellow.

"I shall follow the moon, Marse George [meaning
he should go westward], and we'll save the day, if our
last man has to bite his daddy's dust. Your boys are all

39° PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

too gallant and deferential to bite the dust of their mammy,
you know, Marse George."

The General smiled and rode on. He crossed the
road to higher ground within forty paces of where the
enemy's columns were massed, whence came showers
of bullets falling around him, but his life seemed a
charmed one.

The men were dropping at every volley, and the order
to retreat was repeated three times, but his "boys" re
fused to move till their General should come, and then
they retreated at double-quick and in good order.

" Follow the moon!" called out Colonel Floweree.

Death or prison was their choice. Many chose the
former. Pickett, Terry, Corse, Stuart and Ransom were
across the road calling on the men to get into line to meet
the next onslaught.

A part of the famous Glee Club, with Gentry leading,
were singing, " Rally 'round the flag, boys, rally once
again." Near them was the ensign of the First Virginia
Regiment with his colors and guard, cheering and sing
ing. As they sang Pickett rode up, still waving the
battle-flag which he had taken from the hand of a fallen
color-bearer, and his deep voice joined with theirs in the
rallying-song.

There were very few to rally around that battle-flag,
stained crimson with the noblest blood of the South,
sacred to a cause for which many a brave man had died,
and many another had offered his life, willing to fall
rather than see that banner suffer dishonor. Very few
they were, compared with the host arrayed against them,
but their voices rang out boldly and the notes of their
battle-song echoed and re-echoed from the forest.

At this time the Confederates were just four hundred
yards in rear of Five Forks, and though the Federals hail

FIVE FORKS. 391

captured many prisoners, principally from Ransom's,
lace's and Stuart's brigades, they had gained but little
ground. Pegram's men stood with their horses, ready to
return to their guns as soon as the opportunity should
present.

The Federals charged upon the front and right, straight
through the open field to the woods in which the Confed
erate line was formed. A heavy force was thrown around
the right and left, the Federal cavalry poured down on the
right and rear. Pickett's men were entrapped, held as in
a vise by the cavalry, with a line of infantry in the rear,
a deadly fire from all sides.

They formed in front, north and south, and met with
desperate valor this double onset. Cut to pieces, de
feated, captured, all that were left of them still pressed
on in sullen determination.

The closest fighting of the war was done here. So near
together were the opponents that they clubbed each other
with their muskets. Again and again the heroic little
band rallied " 'round the flag," fighting on this ground,
unknown to them, until darkness fell so heavily that the}r
knew not friend from foe.

Never were troops more hardly pressed, never did
troops fight more gallantly. Surrounded by a force which
outnumbered them more than five to one, with no de
fenses, no fortifications, starving, famishing, they simply
yielded to overwhelming numbers and could have been cap
tured by Warren and Sheridan any time after two o'clock in
the afternoon. They would probably all have been de
stroyed on the retreat but for the brave stand of Corse's
brigade and the gallantry of W. H. F. Lee's cavalry, who
held the Federal troopers until the woodland was reached.

As the General rode off the field he saw a band of sol
diers who had paused and seemed to be drawing toward

392 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. '

themselves the fire of the enemy. He did not know why
they did this. He learned later that the devoted little
group were offering their lives to save him.

There were but few to leave the field. The many
stayed behind, lying in heaped-up masses on that ground
which they had so heroically defended. Night reverently
covered them with her dark shroud and her tears fell
softly on their still, white faces. The stars crept out one
by one in the deep, wide waste of sky and kept solemn
vigil over the dead.

General Longstreet says:

The position was not of General Pickett's choosing, but of his
orders; and from his orders he assumed that he would be reinforced.
His execution was all that a skilful commander could apply. He re
ported as to his position and the movements of the enemy threatening to
cut off his command from the army, but no force came to guard his right.
The reinforcements joined him after night, when his battle had been
lost and his command disorganized. The cavalry of his left was in neg
lect in failing to report the advance of the enemy, but that was not for
want of proper orders from his headquarters. Though taken by sur
prise, there was no panic in any part of the command; brigade after bri
gade changed front to the left and received the overwhelming battle as it
rolled on, and was crushed back to the next, before it could deploy out to
aid the front, or flank attack, until the last right brigade of the brave
Corse changed and stood alone on the left of W. H. F. Lee's cavalry,
fronting at right angle against the enemy's cavalry columns.

It is not claiming too much for that grand division to say that, aided
by the brigades of Ransom and Wallace, they could not have been dis
lodged from their intrenched position by parallel battle even by the
great odds against them. As it was, Ayres's division staggered under the
pelting blows that it met, and Crawford's drifted off from the blows
against it, until it thus found the key of the battle away beyond the Con
federate limits.

In generalship Pickett was not a bit below the "gay rider" [Sheri
dan]. His defensive battle was better organized, and it is possible that
he would have gained the day if his cavalry had been diligent in giving
information of the movements of the enemy.

FIVE FORKS. 393

After the surrender of Appomattox Court-house, Gen
eral Pickett received the following letter:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,

April 10, 1865.

GENERAL: General Lee wishes you to make at once a short report
of the operations of your command from the time of the recent attack of
the enemy near Petersburg to the present. He desires you also to call
upon the commanders of the divisions which were assigned to you since
the recent operations commenced, for reports embracing their opera
tions between the time of the attack above referred to and the time of
their assignment to your command.

He wishes to have these before the army is dispersed, that he may
have some data on which to base his own report.
Very respectfully your obedient servant,

(Signed) W. H. TAYLOR, Assistant Adjutant-General.

Official: LATROBE, A. A.-G.
MAJOR-GENERAL G. E. PICKETT, Commanding.

In response to this request, General Pickett sent the
following statement:

COLONEL: I have the honor to report that on the 2pth of March, a tele
gram from headquarters of the Army of Northern Virginia was received at
my headquarters at Swift Creek, ordering me to proceed with two brigades
at that point (Corse's and Terry's), to cross the Appomattox and take the
cars on the South-side Railroad for Sutherland's Station, Stuart's brigade,
then in position in front of Petersburg, to join me en route. Hunton 's bri
gade was at this time on the north side of the James. Accordingly the col
umn was put in motion, the three brigades reaching Sutherland's about
nine o'clock in the evening. Shortly afterward came an order from
Lieutenant-General Anderson, to come on to the White Oak road and
take position on the right of Major-General Bushrod Johnson's division.
This was done by daybreak, through a drenching rain, the three bri
gades extending some distance up the road. The commander-in-chief,
about twelve in the day, ordered me to move on with my three brigades,
and two brigades under command of Brigadier-General M. Ransom (his
own and Wallace's), and a battery of artillery under Colonel Pegram, to
the Five Forks. Here Major-General Fitz Lee was with his division of
cavalry, and Major-Generals W. H. F. Lee and Rosser were to join

394 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. '

him with their divisions. The march was necessarily slow, on account
of the continual skirmishing, front and flank, with the Federal cavalry.
They at one time charged in on the wagon-train, but were repulsed by
Ransom. In front we had to drive them out of the way nearly the whole
distance until we joined Fitz Lee at the Five Forks about sunset. I
learned then that part of the ordnance-train had been turned back, it
was said, by orders from the commander-in-chief. General Ransom had
his ordnance-wagons, and on these we had to depend for supplying the
whole command in the engagements which followed. I was about to
push on toward Dinwiddie Court-house, when, upon consultation with
General Fitz Lee (the other cavalry not having joined him, and it being
nearly dark, and the men much in need of rest from an almost con
tinuous march of eighteen hours), I determined to throiv out merely a
couple of brigades, on the Court-house road, so as to keep the enemy at
a respectful distance during the night. This was done, Corse and Terry
advancing some three-quarters of a mile, driving the Federal cavalry,
\vho, however, being dismounted and armed with the repeating rifle,
made a vigorous fight. It rained throughout the night, and up to about
twelve the next day. General Fitz Lee's scouts and guides could not
ascertain exactly the opposing strength, but, from the prisoners taken
up to this time, I knew we had no infantry in our front. We discovered
at daylight, that the enemy were quite strongly posted in a good position
on the Court-house road. The rest of the cavalry having gotten up about
ten o'clock in the morning, I determined to push on along a road still
further to the right, cross the stream higher up with General W. H. F.
Lee's and Rosser's cavalry, and the infantry, leaving Fitz Lee's division
to come up the direct road toward the Court-house, as we advanced on
the right. The rain had greatly swollen the streams, which was the
chief reason for the delay of the cavalry. General W. H. F. Lee, with
his division, very gallantly charged over the creek, but the enemy were
too strong to be repulsed. The infantry, consequently, were not able to
cross at that point and (the stream not being fordable) were compelled to
draw back. I pushed the infantry across lower down, Terry's brigade
leading, Colonel Mayo with the Third Virginia in advance. This regi
ment suffered a good deal, but the men gallantly dashed over the creek
and swamp, killing and capturing, after a sharp engagement, about a
hundred. Our whole force then moved on. Our adversary, meanwhile
strongly reinforced, made a determined resistance, and it was dark when
we arrived within half a mile of the Court-house. W. H. F. Lee's cav
alry had crossed at the same point and Fitz Lee's division had come up
on the left.

FIVE FORKS. 395

This engagement was quite a spirited one, the men and officers be
having most admirably. Our loss was principally confined to W. H. F.
Lee's cavalry and Terry's and Corse's brigades, among them many valu
able officers. The Federals suffered heavy loss; half an hour more of
daylight and we would have reached the Court-house. As it was, some
prisoners were taken belonging to the Fifth Corps (Warren 's)

The fact being thus developed that our opponents were reinforcing
with infantry, and knowing the whole of Sheridan's and Kautz's cavalry
were in our front, I was induced to fall back at daylight in the morning
to the Five Forks, which I was directed- by telegram from the com-
mander-in-chief to hold, so as to protect the road to Ford's Depot.
This movement was made in perfect order, bringing off all our wounded
and burying all our dead. The enemy was, however, pressing upon our
rear in force. I had all trains parked in rear of Hatcher's Run and
would have preferred that position, but from the telegram referred to, I
supposed the commanding general intended sending up reinforcements.
I had, in the meantime, reported by telegram, and informed the general
commanding of the state of affairs, that the enemy was trying to get in
between the main army and my command, and asking that diversion be
made or I should be isolated. This evidently was intended, as Hunton's
brigade did come up to Sutherland's, but not till after dark. The best
arrangements were made of which the nature of the ground admitted;
W. H. F. Lee's cavalry on the right, then Corse, Terry, Stuart, Ran
som and Wallace. General Fitz Lee was ordered to cover the ground
between Wallace's left and the creek, with his cavalry dismounted. The
Federals pushed up steadily from the Court-house and commenced ex
tending to our left. General Ransom moved still further to the left, and I
extended Stuart's brigade so as to cover his ground. General Ran
som sent word to me that the cavalry were not in position. General
Fitz Lee was again ordered to cover the ground at once, and I supposed
it had been done, when suddenly the enemy in heavy infantry column
appeared on our left front, and the attack which had, up to that time,
been confined principally to our front toward the Court-house now be
came general. Charge after charge was repulsed; but the Federals still
kept pouring up division after division, and pressing round our left.
General Ransom, perceiving this, took his brigade from behind his tem
porary breastworks and boldly charged the heavy column, effecting
great havoc and temporarily checking its movement. His horse was
killed, he falling under him, and his assistant adjutant-general, the
brave but unfortunate Captain Gee, was killed. The few cavalry,
however, which had taken position, gave way, and the assailants came

396 PICKETT AND HIS ME if.

pouring in on Wallace's left, causing his men to fall back. Pegram had
been mortally wounded, the captain of the battery killed, and many of
the men killed and wounded. I succeeded, nevertheless, in getting a
sergeant, with men enough for one piece, put in position on the left,
and fired some eight rounds into the head of the Federal column, when
the axle broke, disabling the piece. I almost immediately withdrew
Terry's brigade from its position, and threw it on the left flank,
charging over Wallace's men and forcing them back to their position.
Even then, with all the odds against us, we might have held till night,
which was fast approaching, but the ammunition was rapidly failing.
Colonel Floweree's regiment, after their cartridges were expended,
fought hand to hand, but it was of no avail, and, although the Federal
dead lay in heaps, we were obliged to give way, our left being com
pletely turned. Wallace's brigade again broke, though some of its offi
cers behaved most gallantly and used their utmost exertions to reform
it, but in vain! Everything assumed the appearance of a panic, when,
by dint of great personal exertion on the part of my staff, together with
the general officers and their staff-officers, we compelled a rally and
stand on Corse's brigade, which was still in perfect order and had
repelled, as had W. H. F. Lee's cavalry, every assault.

One of the most brilliant cavalry engagements of the war took place
on this part of the field, near Mrs. Gilliam's residence. Here the Fed
eral cavalry made a most determined attack in heavy force, but were in
turn charged by General W. H. F. Lee, and completely driven off the
field. This, with the firm stand made by Corse's men, and those that
could be rallied at this point, enabled many to escape capture. Thus
the shades of the evening closed on the bloody field. Had the cavalry
on the left done as well as that on the right, the day would probably
have been ours; as it was, it was most stubbornly contested against great
odds. The whole of Sheridan's cavalry joined with Kautz's, the Second
Corps and part of the Sixth, were attacking us. I learned a few days
afterward, from a general of division in Warren's corps, that it was
nineteen thousand strong, making the whole force probably thirty-five
thousand, while we had not more than six thousand engaged. Our
loss in killed and wounded was very severe, and many were captured.
Colonel Mumford, commanding General Fitz Lee's division, was quite
active, and lent great assistance personally. During the evening, a
large portion of the command having been assembled on the railroad,
I proceeded with them toward Exeter Mills, intending to cross the Ap-
pomattox at that point, and rejoin the main army. While at that point
I received orders, by a staff-officer, to report to Lieutenant-General

FIVE FORKS. 397

R. H. Anderson at Sutherland's. At daylight the following morning I
started to comply with the order, but had not proceeded far when I found
the road strewn with unarmed stragglers from Wilcox's and Heth's
divisions, who informed me that the lines in front of Petersburg had been
forced. I decided immediately to follow up the river and join General
Anderson, who, I learned, had gone in that direction, striking for Amelia
Court-house. I omitted to mention that most of Ransom's brigade had
crossed the river at Exeter Mills. I reported to General Anderson on
the same day, and that night Hunton's brigade reported. They had also
been in a heavy fight and had suffered severely, though they had acted
with their usual good conduct.

From this point up to the battle of Sailor's Run (a report of which
I forwarded through General Anderson) there is nothing of any moment
to relate except occasional skirmishing and continual marching night and
day, with scarcely any rations. The second day after the battle referred
to, not being able to find General Anderson's headquarters, I reported
to Lieutenant-General Longstreet, and continued to receive orders from
him until the army was paroled and dispersed. Early on the morning of
the surrender, when the Federals made an advance from toward Ap-
pomattox Court-house, Lieutenant-General Longstreet sent to General
Heth a staff-officer (Captain Dunn) with orders to move up at once
with his division. I had the remnant of my division, some eight hun
dred aggregate, drawn up on Heth's left, and informed Captain Dunn of
the fact, and that we would move with Heth; this he authorized, and
afterwards informed me of General Longstreet 's approval. The order
to advance was, however, shortly afterward countermanded. I mention
this fact merely to show that, even at the last, what few men of the old
division were left were willing and ready to do their utmost to maintain
the name they had so nobly won for heroism during four years of a bloody
and terrible war, in which Virginia's sons had poured out (as a sacrifice
for a liberty unfortunately not to be gained) the best blood of the proud
old State.

It is needless in this my last report of Pickett's division, to recall
to the commander-in-chief, the trials, hardships and battles through
which they have passed. Baptized in war at Bull Run and the First
Manassas, under Lieutenant-General Longstreet 's instruction, they con
tinued to follow the lessons first taught them, on their various marches;
in the lines about Yorktown; at the glorious battle of Williamsburg, when
they, with Wilson's Alabama brigade, withstood the advance of the whole
of McClellan's Grand Army, and absolutely drove it back; at the
Seven Pines, when they were so highly complimented by General Jos.

398 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. *

E. Johnston; and at Gaines's Mill, Frazier's Farm, Second Manassas,
Boonsboro, Sharpsburg, Gettysburg, and the engagements about the
lines in front of Bermuda Hundred, Fort Harrison, etc., which came
under the personal observation of the commander-in-chief. The writ
ten and spoken acknowledgments of their worth from him have been
gratefully appreciated by them.

There having been no brigade or regimental reports handed in, it is
impossible to state the casualties which have occurred in the last cam
paign. I must not conclude without mentioning the gallantry and un
tiring zeal in the cause exhibited by the brigade commanders, Generals
Corse, Hunton, Terry, and Stuart, and their valuable staff-officers, some
of whom were killed and others wounded (General Terry's aide-de
camp, Lieutenant Harris, was killed, and Captain Fitzhugh, General
Hunton 's assistant adjutant-general, wounded, and Captain Bryaat,
General Terry's assistant adjutant-general, wounded); and of the offi
cers of my staff, Majors Pickett and Harrison, adjutant and inspectors-
general ; Major Horace Jones, commissary of subsistence ; Major R.
Taylor Scott, quartermaster; Chief Surgeon M. M. Lewis; Captains
Baird, Symington, and Bright, aide-de-camps; Captain Cochrane, ord
nance officer. In connection with this department (ordnance) I must
not forget to mention the name, for ability and efficiency, of Captain S.
G. Leitch, who had charge of it for three years; in fact, up to a short
time before the campaign commenced.

To the commanding officers of regiments my thanks and those of our
State are due for their maintenance of discipline in their regiments, their
continual and unswerving confidence in the cause, and their personal ac
tivity on the many battle-fields, in leading on their men to victory, or
sustaining them under their various hardships. Such names as those of
Montague, Phillips, Strange, Edmonds, Stuart, Herbert, Carrington,
Green, Mayo, the Berkeleys, Floweree, White, Gantt, Preston, Peyton,
Patton, Gary, Garland, Withers, Magruder, Langhorne, Otey, Hodges,
August, Marye, Moore, Chew, Aylett, Slaughter, etc., should not be for
gotten in Virginia's history.

I am, Colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant.

(Signed) G. E. PICKETT,
Major-General Commanding.
COLONEL W. H. TAYLOR,

Assistant Adjutant-General, Army of Northern Virginia.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

SAILOR'S CREEK.

Pickett's command, nobly acquiescent in the sacri
fices incidental to their defeat at Five Forks, calmly
confident in the justice of their cause, ever maintained
unwavering loyalty. They held themselves in readi
ness to follow their beloved and fearless commander
with undaunted courage wheresoever he should lead
them.

During the evening of the 1st of April the command
collected, and assembled on the railroad, rallying around
their headquarters flag. War-worn and weary, weakened
by sufferings inconceivable, sadly reduced in numbers by
losses in killed and captured, depressed, not only by
past disasters but by the certainty of future defeat, they
gathered bravely around their leader and their flag, with
a courage which might lead them to death but would for
ever preserve them from dishonor.

Early Sunday morning, the 2d of April, following the
battle of Five Forks, Pickett, after reviewing his men,
thanked them for their confidence in him, and for their
valiant services in the last onslaught through which they
had just passed. With words of courage he gave the
order to march, proceeding with them toward Exeter
Mills, at which point it was his intention to cross the
Appomattox River and rejoin the main army.

While the command, however, was at a halt at Exeter
Mills, Pickett received, through a staff-officer, an order
from R. H. Anderson to report to him at Sutherland's

399

400 PICKETT AND HIS MEN, •

Tavern. Most of Matt Ransom's brigade had already
gone across the river at Exeter Mills.

On the following morning, just as the day was breaking,
Pickett, in accordance with the orders received from Ander
son, started out with his command, but he had not gone very
far on his way when he found the road blocked and strewn
with stragglers from Heth's and Wilcox's divisions.

These wanderers informed Pickett that the lines in
front of Petersburg had been forced, that they had been
cut off from Petersburg, and that Anderson had gone
on toward Amelia Court-house. Assured of the truth of
this information, Pickett immediately followed on up the
river, and on the evening of the same clay (the 2d of
April) joined Anderson at Deep Creek, nearly famished,
for no rations had been issued since the scanty supply of
the 29th — and yet not a murmur was heard.

A few hours afterward Hunton's brigade, numbering
about nine hundred, reported. This brigade had also
been severely engaged, meeting with serious loss. On
their march they learned that their beloved A. P. Hill
had been killed at Petersburg, and just as they were going
into bivouac came, too, the first sad intelligence of the
evacuation of Richmond and its partial destruction by
fire. These mournful tidings struck a knell of despair to
every heart, but especially to those whose families and
homes, together with all their worldly possessions, were
within the captured, burning city.

With the light which we now have, it seems strange
that this blow should have been made heavier by com
ing as a surprise, but the fact was, that the loss of
their capital was a calamity for which the Confeder
ate soldiers were wholly unprepared. It seemed, how
ever, but to strengthen their resolve as they perseveringly
marched on.

SAILOR'S CREEK. 401

To describe the sufferings of the march on to Amelia
Court-house and thence to Sailor's Creek would be to
paint a picture of the darkest horror. The army supplies
were utterly exhausted. There was no food to be had in
the country. All the homes along the line had been
stripped by those who had come in advance. There was
nothing to eat but a little parched corn when they stopped
long enough to parch it. This "they shelled from the ear
as they marched along. Many of the men, overcome by
fatigue and suffering, loss of sleep and hunger, succumbed
by the way, and others found themselves going to sleep
as they walked along and would stumble and fall in the
road. Now and then they made a halt for a skirmish,
with the enemy, who were on all sides, front, rear and both
flanks. Time and again during the forty-eight hours they
were forced to halt and not only draw up in line of battle,
but form a hollow square to prevent capture.

The tortures of the march were intensified by the fact
that it led through a country in which lived the families
and friends of many of these soldiers who were marching
on to death, imprisonment, or to the humiliation of de
feat. Yet, notwithstanding the fact that they were within
a few hours of their homes and loved ones, whom they
had not seen, many of them for months and many for
years, there was but little straggling.

Although it was not safe to stray far from the com
mand on account of the enemy's cavalry, yet now and
then some one of these starving heroes, impelled by the
pangs of hunger, would venture off in a vain search for
food, only to fall from weakness by the wayside.

All the sufferings, privations, and hardships of the four
preceding years put together would not equal those en
dured on this march to Amelia Court-house, yet they went
bravely on, sustained by the hope that food awaited them:

402 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

there. Lee, knowing that they had started off with only
a day's rations, had ordered provisions to that point.

In the meantime the fatality foreseen by the prescient
Lee had taken place. The last blow had fallen upon the
doomed Confederacy. The dread message which had
flashed across the wires on the morning of Sunday, the 2d
of April, had interrupted the devotions of the government
officials in St. Paul's Church in Richmond, to tell them that
their capital had fallen.

They hastened from the church to the State-house* to
secure the Confederate archives and convey them to a
place of safety. Then, giving orders for the firing of the
city, they left on the evening train, lighted on their way
by the flames which illumined the capital, and followed
by the thunderous reports of the exploding ironclads on
the James.

Next morning the victorious army came scurrying
across country, pell-mell, in a wild race to see which could
be first in at the death, for Richmond had fallen.

At the very time that the ragged, hungry, weary, suf
fering soldiers of a lost cause were marching on their
painful journey, cheering themselves with the hope of
succor at the next halting-place, the flag of the victors
was waving over the capital city of the Confederacy.

Upon arriving at Amelia on the afternoon of the 4th,
the army ascertained that the supplies ordered by Lee
had been brought to the point designated, but the authori
ties had immediately sent the train containing them to
Richmond to bring away the officials of the fallen capi
tal, and by some strange misunderstanding it had gone
on without waiting to unload!

Thus was the great army of brave, patient, suffering
men, who had offered for their cause life, home, and all
the hopes and aspirations they had ever known, sacrificed

SAILOR S CREEK. 403

for a few civic officers and the archives of a nation which
had died in its birth.

The Confederate forces were now widely scattered. Lee
recognized the necessity of concentration. On leaving
Richmond, his intention was to retreat to Danville, on the
southern boundary of Virginia, southwest of Richmond,
from which point he hoped to effect a projected union
with Johnston.

His first objective point was Burkesville, fifty-two
miles south of Richmond, at the junction of the Richmond
and Danville and the Norfolk and Western railroads.
This place safely reached, he could destroy the roads in
the rear and for a time escape pursuit. He had gained
some hours, and might have carried his plan to success
but for the delay caused by the fatal mistake in ordering
off the loaded train of supplies which he had taken such
pains to provide. The sufferings of the starving army,
and the consequent halts which were made in efforts to
obtain subsistence, enabled Sheridan to overpass Lee and
reach Jetersville on the Danville Railroad, seven miles
southwest of Amelia, from which place he telegraphed
Grant at Petersburg. Grant arrived at Jetersville at mid
night, presented himself at the headquarters of Sheridan,
who, roused from his slumbers, hastened to meet him.
Sheridan explained the position by means of a sketch
hastily drawn upon a letter which he took from his pocket.

" Lee is caught," said Grant. " It will be hard for him
to get away."

Perhaps it was hard, but when Sheridan arrived at
Amelia on the morning of the 6th of April, he found that
the difficult feat had been accomplished, and Lee had once
more eluded a well-laid plot.

On the morning of the 6th, Pickett reached Sailor's
Creek, where for some hours he made a halt in line of

404 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

battle. This creek is a marshy stream, difficult to cross,
running westerly into the Appomattox.

In the meantime every effort was being made by the
Confederates to push on their wagon-trains and artillery
across the Appomattox River at Farmville, a small town
west of the Danville Railroad. The mud and mire and
famishing animals made the progress slow. Soldiers may
live for a time on hope and patriotism, but mules and
horses must have fodder and corn. Both the wagon-road
to Lynchburg and the South-side Railroad cross the Ap
pomattox at Farmville, and the latter again five miles east
of it, at High Bridge. The river being too deep to ford,
Farmville therefore became an important point to both
armies.

Ewell's command was on Pickett's left, and Mahone's
division was on his right. Sheridan, with his thousands
of well-fed, well-equipped cavalry, was in front, making
every demonstration to delay the Confederates from at
tacking until he should be reinforced by his infantry.

Meantime Mahone received orders to move on, thus
leaving a gap in the Confederate line, which grew wider
as Mahone advanced.

Hunton, from his position on the right of Pickett's
division, observed this movement and gave notice of it
to Pickett, who at once made a report to Anderson
of Mahone's withdrawal, and of the consequent danger
to his own command, and asked permission to follow
Mahone.

The order, however, which Anderson had received
from the commander-in-chief to "hold on in connection
with Ewell's command, unfortunately prevented him,"
he said, "from complying with Pickett's request." In
the meanwhile, the gap between Pickett and Mahone was
increasing.

SAILOR'S CREEK. 405

Colonel Huger's battalion of artillery attempted to
cross this gap when Mahone was a mile or more in advance
of Pickett. This movement was defeated by Sheridan,
who made a swift and vigorous attack upon Huger.

Pickett, witnessing this byplay, immediately pushed
with his division across Sailor's Creek and charged upon
the Federals with two of his brigades, and the other two
quickly followed.

Sheridan, taken by surprise, was driven back more than
half a mile, abandoning two of Huger's captured guns in
his haste. He carried off Colonel Huger with him, but
Captain Grattan, Colonel Huger's adjutant, made his es
cape on one of the artillery-horses, carrying a gun with
him.

Pickett then formed line of battle and held it against
the repeated attacks of Sheridan's dismounted cavalry.
His division was by this time completely isolated,
both flanks being unprotected. About three o'clock shout
after shout was echoed from the Federal lines. Pickett's
men knew it meant that the infantry, so anxiously looked
for by Sheridan, had come to his aid, and they realized
the increased perils of their position.

The Federal cavalry and infantry began at once to close
around the Confederate right. Anderson, seeing that
Pickett's men were being hemmed in on all sides, and
knowing that it was too late then for him to move on his
line of march, gave the order to Pickett to draw off his
brigades to the rear, and to cut his way out in any man
ner possible.

Anderson, in order that he might assist Pickett in this
movement, deployed Wise's brigade in the rear of Pick
ett's line of battle. Sheridan at once charged on every
side. Pickett's men, overwhelmed by numbers, fighting
hand-to-hand, stubbornly resisted to the bitter end their

406 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

flfe

inevitable fate. Many of the men broke their guns, and
many of the officers snapped their swords in two, rather
than surrender them to the enemy. They fought as hero
ically and nobly on this, their last battle-field, when all
hope was gone, as they had ever done in any battle, even
when in their first flush of glory, and in perfect faith of
ultimate success.

Corse and Hunton were taken prisoners, with almost
the entire remnant of their commands. Stewart and
Terry succeeded in getting off the field. Pickett himself,
with Colonel Walter Harrison and his medical director,
Dr. M. M. Lewis, escaped death or capture almost by a
miracle. Pickett, seeing several squadrons of cavalry rid
ing directly down upon them, rallied around him a mere
squad of his beloved old division, and with this last rally
the men fired their parting shot into the faces of the ad
vancing horsemen, and in the momentary check they
made their escape.

In the annals of warfare there is found no page which
glows more vividly with the light of heroism than does
that which records the retreat of the Confederate army
after the battle of Sailor's Creek. Starving, jaded by
forced marches and strenuous exertion in battle, it yet
found strength to turn and with its old-time impetu
osity and transcendent effort, force back twice across the
stream the strong, well-fed, victorious army of Sheridan.
Friend and foe alike have marveled over such wondrous
gallantry displayed in the face of so great suffering
and disaster. Truly the last flashes of the expiring
flames of Southern hopes and Southern ambitions have
shed imperishable glory over the record of the men
who kept those flames alive through over four years of
heroic struggle against overwhelming odds of men and
resources.

SAILOR'S CREEK. 407

After the battle of Sailor's Creek occurred the first
reunion of the Blue and Gray. It was when Sheridan's
soldiers shared their rations with Pickett's men until
Grant issued orders for their supply. Thus the voice of
a common ancestry of blood and kinship was heard as
an echo to the roar of cannon. In after years came other
reunions.

CHAPTER XLIX.

THE BLUE AND THE GRAY.

When Abraham Lincoln stood at the foot of Cemetery
Ridge and looked upward to where the frowning cannon
had so short a time before sent its leaden death to the
valley below, some one said to him, " Think of the men
who held these heights!" "Yes," he replied, "but think
of the men who stormed these heights!"

As Pickett's division, weary, foot-sore and heart-sore,
wended their toilsome way through Pennsylvania, on the
march which ended on the field of Gettysburg, they passed
a small Dutch house nestling away in the greenery of a
pleasant village. As they came near a little maid rushed
out upon the porch, waving the stars and stripes in a wild
burst of patriotic enthusiasm.

For a moment the leader of that wayworn band felt
apprehensive that not all its members could be depended
upon to maintain their chivalry in the presence of that ban
ner which to them represented so much of wrong done upon
their native soil. Many of them had come from the war-
ravaged district of Suffolk, and Southerners will know what
that flag meant to them. Instantly the General wheeled
from the line and, taking off his cap, bowed to the little
maid with all that grace for which he was noted in camp
as well as drawing-room, and respectfully saluted the flag
of his foes. Then turning he lifted his hand, and when
the long line had passed every man in it had doffed his
cap to the youthful patriot and had saluted the banner
which she had made her gage of battle.

408

THE BLUE AND THE GRAY. 409

The delighted little maiden, who had never before re
ceived the homage of a whole division, cried out in a glow
of gratitude:

"I wish I had a Confederate flag; I would wave that,
too!"

The General was asked afterward how he could bring
himself to salute the enemy's flag.

" I did not salute the enemy's flag," he replied. "I
.saluted the heroic womanhood in the heart of that brave
little girl, and the glorious old banner under which I won
my first laurels."

On the twenty-fourth anniversary of the greatest battle
of the western continent the men who held those heights
and the men who stormed those heights — all that were
left of them — met on the old blood-stained field where
the bravest deeds known to history had been performed.

Peace had laid her soft mantle over the heights which
nearly a quarter of a century before had been frowned
upon by war's wrinkled visage. In majestic silence the
peaks looked skyward through the golden sun.

An amber glory lay over the summit of Little Round
Top, and the stream at its base which had once flowed
crimson now reflected in silvery gleams the light above it.

The clouds of battle had drifted away long ago, and
in their place were only soft gray mists, sun-tinted, float
ing like a veil of peace around the crest where once the
Philadelphia brigade met the onset of Pickett's men. The
war-clouds had vanished, but many of the brave defenders
of the height yet remained. As generous in peace as they
had been brave in war, they had come with outstretched
hands to welcome all who were left of the ragged veterans
who so valiantly scaled Cemetery Heights on that terrible
July day which had burned its fiery mark upon the pages
of our history.

4IO PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

•j

Every part of that ground had been consecrated by a
deed of heroism. The banner of the South furled itself
in sadness around its broken flag-staff long ago, but the
field on which its heroes fought and fell is sacred to all
Southern hearts. Here, upon this spot, fell a young lieu
tenant, wounded unto death, carrying the battle-flag of
the South. When the searchers from the hospital went
over the field to perform their sad duty they found him
lying under a tree with a worn blanket for a pillow. His
youthful face was white with pain and exhaustion. Such
a very young face it was, one could not help thinking that
the arm of a loving mother would be a far more fitting pil
low than the rough old army blanket for the boyish head.
The farewell kisses of home seemed yet to linger upon
the gentle lips.

He was sadly wounded, but refused to be taken to the
hospital, stating as a reason for the rejection of the prof
fered aid that he was comfortable, and others worse hurt
than he should be cared for first. So they left him, be
cause he urged them to do so, and when they came later
the brave soul had passed beyond the darkness and the
pain. When he was lifted they saw why he had sent
them away. He had been lying upon his battle-flag,
carefully folded and placed beneath him that it might not
fall into the hands of the enemy. The banner which he
had protected in life he guarded still in death.

Tenderly Northern hands wrapped it around the dead
hero whose life-blood had saturated its folds. "And it
was his martial cloak and shroud." Never was warrior
more proudly draped for his last long sleep. Never did
the mightiest of earth lie in grander state than did this
boy soldier in the protecting folds of the flag he had so
loved. Stranger hands laid in a Northern grave that
noble son of the South. " Unknown," the grave is marked;

THE BLUE AND THE GRAY. 411

unknown to the passer-by, but known forever to his God.
Stranger eyes let fall the tears which sank into the earth
to unite with nature's subtle forces and spring upward in
love's life and beauty to bloom in violets above that hero
heart. Who shall say that the winds, blowing southward,
did not lift upon their radiant wings a breath of those
sweet flowers and carry it like a holy benediction to wait
ing, sorrowing hearts in his beloved Southland?

A young officer rushed up in front of Cowan's battery,
brandishing his sword and crying: "Take that battery!"
Colonel Cowan shouted, "Fire!" The artillery flamed
out its fiery death and all within its range fell. After the
battle was over Colonel Cowan picked up the officer's
sword which had been so defiantly brandished in front of
his battery and carried it with him in honor of the brave
soldier who had borne it to his death. For years he made
efforts to find some one who might claim it by right of
kinship with its brave owner. Failing in this, he brought
it with him to the reunion on the historic ground from
which he had taken it, and, in an eloquent speech, pre
sented it to Pickett's men amid tears for the noble dead
and cheers for the noble living. It is still treasured as a
priceless relic of battle-days, and the luster with which it
is adorned by the bravery of its wearer and the generosity
of its captor will never fade.

Over there is where Pettigrew with his brave North
Carolinians fought with desperate courage to support the
left flank of Pickett's column as the artillery plowed
death-furrows through its ranks. Hopeless effort, but
not vain, for the valor with which it was made is a coronet
of glory on the brow of the good North State.

Here the plain, honest man of the people stood and
gave utterance to his thought in words which appeal not
to those alone to whom he spoke. They sprang from a

412 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

deep, sympathetic soul and struck responsive chords in all
hearts whose bravest and dearest had helped to make that
ground so sacred that no living presence could deepen its
consecration. Here manhood reached a height of courage
and ardent love from which it could not recede, and had
gone beyond into the highest. "The last full measure of
devotion " had been given by the Gray and the Blue alike.

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this
continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the propo
sition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great
civil war, testing whether that nation so conceived and so dedicated, can
long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We are
met to dedicate a portion of it as the final resting-place of those who
here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting
and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense we can not
dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground. The
brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far
above our power to add or subtract. The world will little note nor long
remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished
work that they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to
be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from
these honored dead we take increased devotion to the cause for which
they here gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly
resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain, that the nation shall,
under God, have a new birth of freedom and that a government of the
people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the
earth.

" The brave men, living and dead — The living come
with generous hand of greeting, North and South, and
their voices speak only friendship. The dead? I look
beyond and see their loved and loving faces. On the
crest of life's sublimest height they fell, to rise again in
supernal triumph. From the eternal silence they look
down and are glad.

Over the long pathway on which Armistead, Garnett,

THE BLUE AND THE GRAY. 4*3

and thousands of other brave ones marched to death the
daisies were blossoming in a great white sea. As I looked
they seemed to fall, crushed under the rush of martial
feet, and through the mists of a quarter century I saw
that long line moving forward in the wondrous charge of
which the poet has written:

WHEN PICKETT CHARGED AT GETTYSBURG.*

When Picket! charged at Gettysburg,
For three long days with carnage fraught,
Two hundred thousand men had fought;
And courage could not gain the field,
Where stubborn valor would not yield.
With Meade on Cemetery Hill,
And mighty Lee thundering still
Upon the ridge a mile away;
Four hundred guns in counterplay
Their deadly thunderbolts had hurled —
The cannon duel of the world —

When Pickett charged at Gettysburg.

When Pickett charged at Gettysburg,
Dread war had never known such need
Of some o'ermastering, valiant deed;
And never yet had cause so large
Hung on the fate of one brief charge.
To break the center, but a chance;
With Pickett waiting to advance:
It seemed a crime to bid him go,
And Longstreet said not "Yes" nor "No,"
But silently he bowed his head.
"I shall go forward!" Pickett said.

Then Pickett charged at Gettysburg.

*" Pickett 's Charge," by Fred Emerson Brooks, in Metropolitan
Magazine.

PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

Then Pickett charged at Gettysburg:
Down from the little wooded slope,
A-step with doubt, a-step with hope,
And nothing but the tapping drum
To time their tread, still on they come.
Four hundred cannon hush their thunder,
While cannoneers gaze on in wonder!
Two armies watch, with stifled breath,
Full eighteen thousand march to death,
At elbow-touch, with banners furled,
And courage to defy the' world,

In Pickett 's charge at Gettysburg.

'Tis Pickett 's charge at Gettysburg:
None but tried veterans can know
How fearful 'tis to charge the foe;
But these are soldiers will not quail,
Though Death and Hell stand in their trail I
Flower of the South and Longstreet 's pride,
There's valor in their very stride!
Virginian blood runs in their veins,
And each his ardor scarce restrains;
Proud of the part they're chosen for;
The mighty cyclone of the war,

In Pickett 's charge at Gettysburg.

'Tis Pickett 's charge at Gettysburg:
How mortals their opinions prize
When armies march to sacrifice,
And souls by thousands in the fight
On battle's smoky wing take flight.
Firm-paced they come in solid form —
The dreadful calm before the storm.
Those silent batteries seem to say:
"We're waiting for you, men in gray I"
Each anxious gunner knows full well
Why every shot of his must tell

On Pickett 's charge at Gettysburg.

THE BLUE AND THE GRAY. 415

Tis Pickett's charge at Gettysburg:
What grander tableau can there be
Than rhythmic swing of infantry
At shouldered arms, with flashing steel?
As Pickett swings to left, half-wheel,
Those monsters instantly outpour
Their flame and smoke and death! and roar
Their fury on the silent air —
Starting a scene of wild despair;
Lee's batteries roaring: "Room! Make room!!"
With Meade's replying: "Doom! 'Tis doom

To Pickett's charge at Gettysburg. "

'Tis Pickett's charge at Gettysburg:
Now Hancock's riflemen begin
To pour their deadly missiles in.
Can standing grain defy the hail?
Will Pickett stop? Will Pickett fail?
His left is all uncovered through
That fateful halt of Pettigrew!
And Wilcox from the right is cleft
By Pickett's half-wheel to the left!
Brave Stannard rushes in the gap —
No more disastrous thing could hap

To Pickett's charge at Gettysburg.

'Tis Pickett's charge at Gettysburg:
How terrible it is to see
Great armies making history:
Long lines of muskets belching flame!
No need of gunners taking aim
When from that thunder-cloud of smoke
The lightning kills at every stroke!
If there's a place resembling hell,
'Tis where, 'mid shot and bursting shell,
Stalks Carnage arm in arm with Death,
A furnace-blast in every breath,

On Pickett 's charge at Gettysburg.

4l6 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

'Tis Pickett's charge at Gettysburg:
Brave leaders fell on every hand!
Unheard, unheeded, all command!
Battered in front and torn in flank;
A frenzied mob in broken rank!
They come like demons, with a yell,
And fight like demons, all pell-mell!
The wounded stop not till they fall;
The living never stop at all —
Their blood-bespattered faces say,
11 'Tis death alone stops men in gray,

With Pickett's charge at Gettysburg!"

Stopped Pickett's charge at Gettysburg
Where his last officer fell dead,
The peerless, dashing Armistead!
Where ebbed the tide and left the slain
Like wreckage from the hurricane —
That awful spot which soldiers call
"The bloody angle of the wall, "
There Pickett stopped, turned back again
Alone, with just a thousand men!
And not another shot was fired —
So much is bravery admired!

Pickett had charged at Gettysburg.

Brave Pickett's charge at Gettysburg!
The charge of England's Light Brigade
Was nothing to what Pickett made
To capture Cemetery Hill —
To-day a cemetery still,
With flowers in the rifle-pit,
And no one cares to capture it.
The field belongs to those who fell;
They hold it without shot or shell;
While cattle yonder in the vale
Are grazing on the very trail

Where Pickett charged at Gettysburg.

THE BLUE AND THE GRAY. 417

Where Pickett charged at Gettysburg,
In after years survivors came
To tramp once more that field of fame;
And Mrs. Pickett led the Gray,
Just where her husband did that day.
The Blue were waiting at the wall,
The Gray leaped over, heart and all!
Where man had failed with sword and gun,
A woman's tender smile had won:
The Gray had captured now the Blue,
What mortal valor could not do

When Pickett charged at Gettysburg.

This twenty-fourth anniversary of the greatest battle
of the war was not the first reunion, within my experience,
of the Blue and the Gray. When the great Civil War
closed it left me, as it did other Southern women, with a
bitterness of heart which could conceive of nothing good
in those whom I regarded as enemies. The General had
his old army friends with whom he had fought side by
side on the fields of Mexico, whom he had loved through
all the terrible four years, and whose affection for him
had never wavered. The sword had severed the few ties
which had linked me with the North.

The same bitterness went with me on our return from
Canada, when we so unexpectedly became the guests in
New York of some of the General's dearest and most in
timate comrades in arms in the olden days. As I became
acquainted with these true and generous friends I learned
that men may honestly differ politically and even draw
their swords against each other, and still keep warm and
faithful hearts that only await the opportunity to give ex
pression to their brotherly feeling. I remembered that
my hero had fought as bravely under the stars and
stripes as he had ever fought under the stars and bars.
While my beloved South held the highest place in my af-

27 '

4l8 PICKETT AND HIS MEN. •

lections, next to her was the North that could produce
brave and noble men whose friendship could stand a test
so severe. I took the General's watch, which he had
carried through two wars, and had inscribed on the inner
side of the case the names of the battles in which he had
fought under each flag. On the outside I had enameled
the two flags, joined together with two ribbons, one of
blue, the other of gray. I had not consulted the General
about this "reunion," and the pleasure which mingled
with his surprise showed how dear to him were the mem
ories of his old-time battle-fields, and the love of his old-
time friends.

A solemn reunion took place when we collected the
bodies of the Confederate and Federal soldiers and gave
them burial in the ground which had been made sacred
by their blood. Ofttimes the dust of the Blue and the
Gray mingled in the same coffin. Out from the infinite
their hands, united, reach down to us and point the way
to a higher and purer national life.

Years later there was a sad reunion, when the Phila
delphia brigade came to Richmond to attend the unveil
ing of Pickett's monument on Gettysburg Hill in Holly
wood Cemetery, the first time that such a token of remem
brance had ever been offered to a fallen foe. Brave men,
come to do honor to a hero who had fought against them,
their presence was a touching tribute which appealed to
the depths of the Southern heart, and the friendships
formed then can never be broken.

In the year in which I write the Philadelphia brigade
and Pickett's men met again in the beautiful Quaker City,
whose generous heart had devised a succession of exquisite
pleasures for the entertainment of her guests. It was a
happy reunion, saddened only by the absence of loved
ones who once met with us in genial comradeship. We

THE BLUE AND THE GRAY. 419

still seemed to hear their voices recounting memories of
the olden days when not even the most prophetic soul
could have foretold the time when the hand of the Gray
would clasp the hand of the Blue in a friendship that was
cemented in blood.

A few weeks afterward there was a pathetic reunion
when the members of Sedgwick Post, Grand Army of
the Republic, of Wakefield, Rhode Island, escorted the
"Daughter of the Confederacy" when she started on her
last solemn journey to the South which she so loved.
Sweet Winnie Davis, her noble and gracious life too early
ended upon earth, sleeps the long, long sleep in the heart
of that land which held her so dear, and on her sacred
grave North and South alike gently place the myrtle of
love.

And now lately, at Atlanta, our President, in whose
administration North and South have come nearer, per
haps, than at any other time since the beginning of our
constitutional history, and whose justice and sympathy
have had great influence In promoting this friendly union,
has awakened by tender and loving words renewed im
pulses to thrill through the deep heart of our great Union.

The tempest of war did not sweep away the traditions
which formed so large a part of the basis of life in the
South. They dwell deep in the hearts of the people,
where they give light and glory to life, as the sunlight of
the ages, locked up in the depths of earth, transmutes its
glow into the sparkle of the glittering gem.

The flag of the South floats not in triumph from the
masts of great ships that ride the sea in splendor, but far
above in the deepest arch of the highest firmament of life
its stars glitter in eternal radiance.

The South has left its lotus-land, with its mystic
purple shades and soft odors that lull the soul to ravish-

420 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

ing dreams, and entered the bracing atmosphere and
healthy light of the world of to-day. She has delved into
the depths of the earth and brought up the mighty forces
of civilization which nature in the beginning stored away
for this time of her awakening.

She sits not amid the ruins of her temples, like a sor
rowing priestess with veiled eyes and depressed soul,
mourning for that which hath been. With face turned
sunward and heart aflame with ardor, she goes bravely
forth with faith and trust to meet that which shall be.
Janus-like, she looks to the past and the future; to the
the past for the deeds of heroism from which she gains
that inspiration needed in peace as in war, to the future
for that prosperity which can be found in unbroken unity
alone.

The sacred memories of the long and heroic struggle
of the South belong not within the limits of geographic
lines. They are the possession of our country, one and
undivided. They have become the heritage of the nation.
The river of blood that flowed on its crimson way through
our land a generation ago has fertilized the soil for bear
ing yet more luxuriant blossoms of patriotism.

The star of the South burns in golden flame against the
pulsing arch of sky which bends above the sunny land; on
the distant horizon the star of the North sparkles in
iridescent gleams upon crests of snow, and their mingled
light illumes the pathway on which our nation moves to
a glorious destiny.

While I was the guest of Pickett's men in the parade
at the reunion of the Gray in Atlanta, my son was in the
army of the Blue, serving his country against a foreign
foe. For the only time in our many meetings to com
memorate the past, he was absent from my side; but my
arm was around his child, the namesake grandson of the

THE BLUE AND 7 HE GRAY. 421

great Confederate leader, and the little blue-eyed boy was
waving the flag of Virginia with as enthusiastic loyalty as
could have been displayed by a much older son of that
great State.

Directly behind our coach marched veterans of the
George E. Pickett, the Pickett-Buchanan, and the R. E.
Lee camps, clad in their old uniforms of Confederate gray,
and carrying the tattered and battle-stained flags which
they had so valiantly borne in deadly conflict in a genera
tion past. Old and feeble they were, many of them dis
abled by the wounds of that fearful time. The presence
of many of them there was due to a whole year, perhaps,
of self-denial on the part of themselves and their families,
who had made every sacrifice in order that the old sol
dier might meet once more with his comrades of the olden
days — "for the last time," one of them said to me with
touching sadness. Gallantly they marched on, no more
heeding the pouring rain than they had heeded it in the
brave days of old.

As they toiled along through the drenching rain my
heart went back to the time when those war-worn veterans
first donned the old uniform of gray and lifted high above
their ranks those banners, now battle-scarred, then bright
and beautiful, and floating out upon the spring-time breeze
as if to promise a glorious future for the hearts that loved
them and saw in their stars the light of victory.

"These are my boys!" proudly exclaimed General
Pickett to me, pointing to his long line of Southern
heroes, when I first went into camp where, with my hus
band, I spent the early years of my marriage.

It seems fitting that these heroic men who followed
their leader so bravely on the hardest-fought fields of the
South should have a distinctive place in history.
They poured out their blood for the cause which was to

422 PICKETT AND HIS MEN.

them the dearest on earth. Their memory is a golden
thread in the strong and beautiful web of Southern life.
Their graves make sacred the historic ground of the
land for which they fought and fell. The star of their
country's fame gleams more brightly in the great world-
sky because they have lived and died.

A few of these boys yet linger on the shores of time,
and their voices greet us with the thrill of the olden days.
Far more have drifted away on the sea of silence. If the
flower of memory which I lovingly plant on the grave of
the dead shall bloom to cheer the heart of the living I
asi content.

APPENDIX.

GENERAL GEORGE E. PICKETT.*

To all Virginians and to all the survivors of the Army of Mexico
the announcement of the death of this admirable officer will give a thrill
of pain. Perhaps there is no doubt that he was the best infantry soldier
developed on either side during the Civil War. His friends and admirers
are by no means confined to the Southern people or soldiers to whom he
gave his heart and best affections and of whom he was so noble a type,
but throughout the North and on the Pacific coast where he long served,
his friends and lovers are legion.

He was of the purest type of the perfect soldier, possessing manly
beauty in the highest degree; a mind large and capable of taking in the
bearings of events under all circumstances; of that firm and dauntless
texture of soul that' no danger or shock of conflict could appall or con
fuse; full of that rare magnetism which could infuse itself into masses
of men and cause any mass under his control to act as one; his per
ception clear; his courage of that rare proof which rose to the occasion;
his genius for war so marked that his companions all knew that his mind
worked clearer under fire, and in the "deadly and imminent breach,"
than even at mess-table or in the merry bivouac, where his genial and
kindly comradeship and his perfect breeding as a gentleman made him
beloved by his friends.

He will live in history as nearer to Light Horse Harry, of the Revo
lution, than any other of the many heroes produced by old Virginia —
his whole history when told, as it will be by some one of the survivors
of Pickett's men, will reveal a modern type of the Chevalier Bayard,
' ' Sans £eur et sans rej)roche. ' '

George Pickett graduated at the Military Academy in 1846. He im
mediately joined his regiment, the Eighth United States Infantry, in

* Written and published by the General's old friend, General George
B. McClellan, August 7, 1875. A copy of the manuscript and a touch
ing letter was sent to our boy, "the General's namesake son," and to
me, "the devoted wife."

425

426 APPENDIX,

Mexico; was actively engaged in seven general engagements and distin
guished in all. At the assault of the castle of Chapultepec he was of
the storming party, as second lieutenant, with Longstreet as first lieuten
ant of the company. Here his activity and personal valor was such as to
carry him the first man to the Mexican standard which floated on the
citadel of that formidable stronghold. Amid a storm of Mexican bullets
he pulled down the emblem of the Aztec and ran up the flag of the Eighth
Infantry. He won and received three brevets for his service in Mexico,
and these before he had reached the age of twenty-five.

After that war he served in Texas and upon the southern frontier till
1856, when he was sent with his regiment, being then a captain, to the Pa
cific to aid in suppressing an Indian war then raging in Oregon and Wash
ington Territory and involving all the tribes from the Modocs on the bor
ders of California to the Indian tribes on the confines of British America
to the north. The braves of tribes numbering forty-two thousand souls
had arisen to "wipe out" the few settlers of the Northwest, and to en
counter them the general government had but fourteen hundred regulars
who, with the two thousand volunteers of Oregon and Washington Terri
tory, after fighting two years, so effectually subdued these savages that, with
the exception of the Modocs, they have never made war since.

In this remote and obscure war, George Pickett was distinguished.
At its close he was directed by General Harney, then commanding the
military department of the Northwest, to build a fort on the northern
boundary between the United States and the British provinces on Puget
Sound, and garrison it. In 1859 the question of ownership between the
United States and Great Britain of the Island of San Juan arose, and
General Harney ordered Captain Pickett to occupy the island. Pickett
by a masterly movement threw himself and company by night upon the
disputed territory, raised the flag and erected earthworks — he had but
sixty-eight men all told. Within forty-eight hours the British fleet came
upon the adjacent British island of Vancouver, five ships-of-war and six
teen hundred men, and demanded that Pickett evacuate; he answered by
a defiance and announced his intention to fight as long as a man of his com
mand lived. After exhausting both threats and diplomacy the British ad
miral and the governor of Vancouver's Island agreed to leave the matter
of the occupation of the island to their respective governments, and Gen
eral Winfield Scott was sent by the United States to the coast, where the
matter was settled by the joint occupation by garrisoning both of Ameri
can and British troops, and a fort called Camp Pickett was erected and
Commanded by Captain Pickett till the commencement of the Civil War.

It is a fact not generally known, that the movements which are re-

MEMOIR. 427

ferred to here in the occupation of San Juan had their origin in a patri
otic attempt on the part of General Harney, Governor Stevens, of Wash
ington Territory, and other Democratic Federal officers on that coast,
with the knowledge and zealous concurrence of Captain Pickett, to force
a war with Great Britain, in the hope that by this means the then jarring
sections of our country would unite in a foreign war, and so avert the civil
strife which they feared they saw approaching. For this purpose Captain
Pickett gladly volunteered to risk his life, and so endeavored to force the
Englishmen to open fire upon him when he first occupied the disputed
island on which the British had settlements, but which was afterwards
awarded to the United States by the Emperor of Germany, under the
Geneva Conference. It is certain that in this adventure Pickett would
gladly have spilled his blood to have averted, at the cost of a foreign
war, that civil war which he and so many others tried to avert, yet to
which, when it came, they gave their best efforts — forced into it by
their principles of honor and affection to their people.

As soon as the State of Virginia seceded Pickett resigned and re
turned to Virginia. The military government on the Pacific coast en
deavored to arrest him, but he made his way to Virginia, was immedi
ately appointed colonel, afterwards brigadier-general, and in October,
1862, was a major-general. At Gaines's Mill he was badly wounded,
leading his gallant Virginians against the Federals commanded by his
old captain, General S. Casey, under whom he had in youth gained re
nown in the forlorn hope at Chapultepec. He signally defeated the di
vision opposed to him. Upon his rapid recovery from his wounds he
was assigned to the command of that division of the Army of Virginia
which gained such imperishable renown, that for all time to come the
proud boast, "I am descended from one of Pickett 's men," will be held
equivalent to the words in France, "One of the Old Guard, which dies
but never surrenders."

We here quote, from the Norfolk Virginian, an article written a
few days since, while the great soldier and paladin of the infantry of the
Confederacy lay dead in that city.

' ' But, ' ' says the Norfolk Virginian, ' ' it was the ever memorable
day of July 3, 1863, that covered Pickett and Pickett 's men with imper
ishable glory and linked their names with the noblest and saddest story
of Confederate achievements. The day rose bright and smiling on the
buoyant hopes of a brave army, till then victorious over all opposition,
and full of confidence in coming victory. It witnessed an assault which
for desperate daring has rarely been equaled in the wars of nations,
when, from the hill which they had occupied, down its descent, and up

428 APPENDIX.

to the enemy's front, full half a mile of open and exposed ground, amid
the iron hail of two hundred cannon belching shot and canister and
schrapnel, and the leaden rain poured out from the massed infantry that
thickly lined the crest of Cemetery Ridge, Pickett, with Kemper and
Garnett and Armistead, led his division, a forlorn hope, forty-five
hundred men against the concentrated strength of the Federal army.
No grander sight ever fascinated the gaze of military men than that of
those noble heroes charging in steady and unbroken line of battle,
through smoke and fire and death, up that fatal hill, to and over the
breastworks that lined it, over two lines of guns, over two lines of in
fantry, up to the very brow of the hill, up to the very verge of victory.
But, alas! it might not be, valor had done its utmost; it was not fated
that they should win, then and there, another independence day. Un
supported, broken, disrupted, scattered, the survivors who reached the
crest found themselves but the skeleton of the division that but a few
minutes before had so proudly marched down the opposite descent;
while around them closed countless masses of hostile infantry and on
them was concentrated the fire of a dozen batteries; and then com
menced the retreat, from which emerged but one-fourth of the command
before the charge. That charge has gone into history, a testimony to
the valor of Confederate soldiers that will never fade."

The close of the war left Pickett poor and broken. He was a sol
dier, pure and simple, of illustrious qualities, and his life from the age
of fifteen entirely devoted to the profession he so well loved and had so
adorned.

General B. F. Butler, who was perhaps as complete an opposite to
Pickett as the race can produce, made an effort to have him tried by a
military commission, "organized to convict." Butler had been bottled
by General Pickett at Bermuda Hundred, and sought this revenge. Gen
eral Grant, who, in common with hundreds of the old army, loved Pick
ett, saved him.

After Grant became President he gave further proof of his affection
by sending for Pickett and offering him the marshalship of the State of
Virginia. "You can not afford to do this, " said Pickett, "and I can not
afford to accept it from you. " "I can afford to do whatever I choose,
Pickett," said the soldier President. The man who had fought for the
Confederacy realized the difficulties and responsibilities which environed
both himself and the President of the United States, and persistently
declined the position which he so much needed.

The Khedive of Egypt had previously offered him the position of
brigadier-general in his army; but Pickett refused. As, like all brave

MEMOIR. 429

men, he loved his lovely and devoted wife, he refused to leave her for
foreign service, and accepted the position of general agent of the Wash
ington Life Insurance Company of New York, for Virginia, and in the exe
cution of his duty in this civil capacity, in Norfolk, his war-worn frame
succumbed to the disease which attacked him only a few days before.

Could he have had his wish he had died amid the roar of battle. No
man of our age has better illustrated the aptitude for war of his class of
our country, and with these talents for war was united the truest and
sweetest nature. No man of his time was more beloved of women, of
men and of soldiers. He was to the latter a rigid disciplinarian, and at
the same time the soldier's friend.

Virginia will rank him in her roll of fame with Lee, with Johnston,
with the Jackson they love as Stonewall; and mourners for the noble
and gallant gentleman, the able and accomplished soldier, are legion.

True and noble soul, rest in peace; and may the God he revered give
that consolation He only can to his devoted wife and namesake son.

M&fflr^r^K

INDEX.

Adams, J. Q., 103, 133.

Aldie, 260.

Alexander, E. P., 223, 283 et seq.

Alien and sedition laws, 141.

Allen, R., 160, 210.

Anderson, G. B., 201.

Anderson, R. H., 158, 179-186, 196-
202, 208, 219-224, 233, 243, 265,
280-300, 349, 354, 380, 382, 393-

397. 399, 400, 4°4. 4Q5-
Antietam, 195 et seq., 216, 219, 256.
Anti-slavery party, 147.
Archer, J. J., 272, 274, 305.
Archer, R., 167.
Armistead, D. L., 166.
Armistead, L. A., 95, 168, 205, 211,

213, 214, 233, 236, 295 et seq., 308,

412, 428.

Armistead, W. K., 214.
August, T. P., 210.
Averell, General, 240, 241.
Avery, R., 206.
Aylett, W. R., 210, 398.
Ayres, General, 392.

Baird, E. R., 159, 161, 206, 398.
Bancroft, 105.

Barksdale, General, 224,249,287,289.
Barlow, General, 356.
Barnes, Surgeon-General, 59.
Barton, General, 331, 339, 347.
Baynes, Admiral, 121-123.
Bazalgette, Captain George, 121,123.

Beauregard, G. T., 263, 338-340,

342, 345 et seq.
Belen Gate, 96.
Bellingham Bay, 97.
Benjamin, General, 199.
Benton, Thomas, no.
Berkeley, N., 158, 161, 170, 210, 398.
Bermuda Hundred, 340, 347-350,

357. 362.

Birney, General, 246, 279 et seq.
Blaine, James G., 59.
Blount, J. R., 209.
Boonsboro, 195, 210, 216.
Boston, S. A., 160.
Bragg, B., 324, 342, 347~349-
Breckenridge, General J. C., 2, u,

355-

Bright, R. A., 206, 334, 398.
Bristoe Station, 192.
Brockenbrough, General, 305.
Brooke, F. W., 206.
Brooks, F. E., 413.
Brown, Captain, 197.
Brown, John, 135 et seq.
Bryant, Captain, 398.
Buena Vista, 215.

Buford, General, 265, 271-273, 284.
Bull Run, 191, 192, 209.
Bumford, Captain, 94, 95.
Burnside, General A. E., 196, 199,

202-203, 209, 219-232, 234, 240-

242, 330, 331, 337- 356.
Butterfield, General, 179.
Butler, B. F., 8, 30, 59, 86, 87, 339-

342, 344, 349, 365, 428.

432

INDEX.

Cabell, H. C., 207.
Cabell, J. C., 203, 297, 348.
Calhoun, J. C., 144, 145.
Campbell, A., 107.
Campbell, M. VanB., 206.
Canal de Haro, 108-110.
Carrington, H. A., 159, 210, 398.
Carroll, Lieutenant, 208, 238.
Cary, R. M., 210, 398.
Casey, General S., 97, 164, 166.
Caskie, W. H., 207, 208.
Cerro Gordo, 93, 95, 129.
Chamberlain, Colonel, 286.
Chambersburg, 219, 257.
Chancellor, C. W., 206.
Chancellorsville, 239, 244 et seq.
Chantilly, 193.

Chapultepec, 94-96, 129, 214, 426.
Chester, 357^ seg., 377.
Chew, R. S., 210, 398.
Churubusco, 94, 95, 129.
Clay, H., 132, 133, 145.
Cleburne, General, 229.
Clingman, General, 331, 334, 335,

341-

Cobb, General, 183, 230.
Cochrane, H. P., 206, 398.
Cocos Plain, 92.
Cold Harbor, 176-178, 182, 352 et

seq.

Collado, 91.
Colquitt, General, 347.
Colston, General, 157, 160, 169.
Colt, Colonel, 166.
Commercial Convention, 146.
Comte de Paris, 156.
Confederation, Articles of, 139.
Connecticut, 143.
Convention of Maritime States, 143.

Contreras, 94, 129.

Cooke, General J. R., 225, 230.

Cooke, Major G. T., 339.

Cooke, J. E., 26.

Cooper, S., 336.

Corse, M. D., 159, 209-210, 216-
217. 233, 236, 293, 317, 331, 332,
334. 337, 347, 348, 380, 383, 384,
388, 390, 392-397, 406.

Couch, General, 164, 241, 243, 244.

Cowan, Colonel, 411.

Cox, General, 199.

Cralle, C. C., 317.

Crampton's Gap, 196, 197.

Crawford, General, 389, 392.

Crocker, J. F., 298.

Croxton, Captain, 161.

Culpeper Court-house, 219.

Gushing, Colonel, 308.

Cutler, General, 273.

Daniel, General, 276,
Daughter of Confederacy, 419.
Davis, J., i, 155, 156, 187, 263, 322,

348, 385.

Davis, J. R., 272, 305.
Dearing, Jas., 158, 206-209, 237, 243,

297, 331, 333, 334, 338.
Deserter, letter of, 368.
Dinwiddie Court-house, 379 et seq.,

386.

Dix, General, 262.
Donelson, Fort, 175.
Doubleday, General, 200, 226, 274-

277. ,

Drake, Sir Francis, 100.
Drayton, General, 202.
Dred Scott Decision, 134.
Drury's Bluff, 175, 210, 346 et seq.
Dudley, M., 322.

INDEX.

433

Dunn, Captain, 397.

Dutch Gap Canal, 86, 87, 357, 363.

Early, General J. A., 155, 201, 210,
213, 215, 244, 245, 248, 262-266,
274, 276, 283, 355.

"East Lynne, " 326.

Edmonds, E. C., 210.

Edmonds, W. B., 206, 398.

Egypt, Khedive of, 428.

Elzey, General, 325.

Emancipation Proclamation, 204,

253.

Embargo Act, 143.

Estvan, Colonel, 183, 185.

Evans, General, 193.

Ewell, General R. S., 155, 192, 198,
200, 225, 226, 257, 258, 260, 262,
264, 265, 274-278, 280, 282, 285,
290, 291, 294, 297, 355, 404.

Fairfax, R., 206.

Pair Oaks, 162.

Field, General, 355.

Fitzhugh, Captain, 398.

Five Forks, 10, n, 217, 385 et seq.

Florence, W., 72, 73.

Floweree, Colonel C. C., 209, 288,

289, 362, 389, 398.
Floyd, C., 206.
Fontaine, C. R., 211.
Foster, General, 331.
Franklin, General W. B., 163, 187,

196, 220, 222, 733, 241, 242.
Frazier'sFarm, 187 et seq.t 217, 218.
Frazier, J. T., 366.
Frederick City, 195.
Fredericksburg, 206, 215, 217, 221,

226-232, 234, 241.

French, General, 238, 239.
French, General W. H., 183, 227,

230, 261.

Friend, T. R., 206.
Fry, Colonel, 347.
Funsten, D., 210.

Gaines's Mill, 176 et seq., 187, 209*.

211, 218, 353, 427.
Gamble, General, 272, 273.
Gantt, H., 159-160, 210, 398.
Garland, General S., 163, 197, 210,

398.
Garnett, General R. B., 196, 198,

202, 203, 205, 212, 233, 237, 295,

300, 303-304, 307, 412-
Geary, General, 296.
Gee, Captain, 395.
Georgia, 131 et seq.
Getty, General, 230, 262.
Gettysburg, 206-211, 213, 215, 217,

257, 261, 263, 265, 267 et seq., 408

et seq.

Gibbon, General, 226, 356.
Giles, J., 210.
Glendale, 187.
Godwin, D., 210.
Gordon, General J. B., 276, 277.
Gordonsville, 221.
Gossett, I. W., 206.
Gracie, General, 383.
Grammer, J., 210.
Grant, General U. S., 8, 59, 60, 84,

85, 341- 344. 348, 349, 35*, 353~
356, 372, 384-386, 403, 407, 428.

Grattan, Captain, 405.

Graves, E. E., 4.

Gray, Captain R., 103,

Gregg, General, 265.

Green, W. E., 121, 398.

434

INDEX.

Greene, G. S., 291.
Greene, O. D., 129.
Griggs, G. K., 210.
Grigsby, General, 200, 201.

Hagerstown, 195, 196.
Halleck, General, 191, 200, 256, 261.
Hambrick, Colonel, 348.
Hamilton, A., 139, 141.
Hampton, W., 165, 166, 294.
Hancock, General W. S., 228, 230,

277-279, 281, 288, 295, 356.
Hardie, J. A., 261.
Harney, General, in, 112, 426.
Haro Archipelago, 105, 107.
Harper's Ferry, 195-198.
Harris, Colonel D. B., 339.
Harris, Lieutenant, 398.
Harrison, A. T., 210.
Harrison, W., 179, 206, 293, 317,

3i8, 339, 340, 347, 398, 406.
Hartford Convention, 143.
Hatton, General, 165.
Hayes, R. B., 197.
Haygood, General, 342.
Hays, General, 277, 290.
Hazlett, Captain, 286.
Heckman, General, 348.
Heintzelman, General, 163-165.
Hempston, R., 206.
Henry's Battery, 243, 297.
Henry, Patrick, 132.
Herbert, A., 210, 398.
Heth, General, 258, 265, 271, 272,

274, 276, 280, 295, 300, 355, 382,

397, 400.

Higginson, T. W., 135.
High Bridge, 207.
Hill, A. P., 157, 158, 176, 178, 186,

188, 192, 196, 203, 215, 225, 226,

233, 257, 259, 262, 264, 265, 271,
272, 275, 277, 281, 283, 285, 289-
290, 294, 297, 310, 355, 385, 400.

Hill, D. H., 155-157, 163, 164, 166-
169, 188, 195, 201, 224-226, 244.

Hodges, J. G., 210, 263, 398.

Hodgkin, Dr. J. B., 191.

Hoke, General, 277, 290, 331-334,

339, 347, 354-

Hood, General J. B., 165, 167, 168,

179, 185, 193. 199, 201, 217, 223,

225, 226, 230, 233, 236, 239, 243,

260, 280, 282, 283, 285, 286, 294,

37i.
Hooker, J., 188, 196, 199-202, 217,

220, 222, 224, 230, 231, 241-249,

257-261, 263, 264.
Howard, General, 230, 244, 246, 274,

275, 281, 290, 295.
Huger, General, 156, 163, 164, 187,

188, 205, 214, 405.
Humphreys, General, 231, 288, 297.
Hunt, General, 228, 265.
Hunter, R. M. T., 372, 373.
Hunton, Colonel E., 179, 187-189,

191, 210, 217, 218, 337, 349, 354,

380, 383, 389, 393, 395-397, 4°o.

Idaho, 100.

Imboden, General, 259, 260, 293, 312.
Indians, 97, 113.
Indian War, 97.
Ingalls, R., 23, 24, 84, 358.
Irby, Colonel, 159.
Iverson, General, 275, 276.

Jackson, T. J., 96, 155, 175, 178,
179, 182, 186-188, 191-193, 195-

201, 212, 219, 223, 225, 226, 244,

246-248.

INDEX.

435

Jefferson, Joe, 74.
Jefferson, Thos., 132, 139, 142, 144
Jenkins, General M., 187, 196, 202
205, 217, 233, 236, 239, 259, 262-

264, 293, 317.
Johnson, B., 381, 393.

Johnson, General Edward, 262, 264

265, 277, 283, 291, 296.
Johnston, A., 126, 320.
Johnston, J.E., 93, 95, 154-157, 163-

167, 170, 175, 385, 398, 403.
Joinville, Prince de, 181.
Jones, D. R., 155, 199, 202.
Jones, H., 398.
Jones, J. H., 354.
Jones, S., 257, 260.

Kautz, General, 384, 395, 396.

Kean, Charles, 74.

Kearny, General Phil., 188, 193.

Keenan, Major, 246.

Keene, E. F., 211.

Kemper, General W. L., 177, 179,
186, 193, 205, 208, 209, 214-216,
233-234. 237- 295, 300, 304, 347.

Kentucky resolutions, 141, 145.

Kernstown, 212.

Kershaw, General, 230, 354. 355.

Keyes, General, 163-165, 262.

Kilpatrick, General, 265, 294.

Kirby, General, 165.

Lafayette, 207.
Lane, General, 305.
Langhorne, M. S., 210, 398.
Last review, 375.
Latham, Captain, 208.
Lawton, General, 200, 201.
Lee, F., n, 192, 199, 355, 380, 382,
388, 393-395-

Lee, R. E., n, 92, 136, 156, 175,
178, 179, 183, 185, 190, 191, 194,
J95. 197. 199, 203, 204, 221-223,
225, 229, 232, 236, 239, 241-245,
247, 249, 254-264, 266, 270, 272,
277, 278, 280-284, 289, 290, 293-
296, 298, 310-313, 333, 338, 348,
350, 351, 354. 355. 36:, 379-381,
385. 386, 393, 402, 403, 421.

Lee, S. D., 193, 199, 203.

Lee, W. H. F., u, 221, 382-384,
388, 391-395-

"Lee's Miserables, " 358.

Leitch, S. G., 206, 398.

Lewis, M. M., 206, 398, 406.

Lincoln, A., i, 8, 30, 126-128, 204, •
241-243, 249, 254, 344, 372-373.
408, 412.

Linthicum, C. S., 354.

Logan, Colonel, 347.

Long, A. L., 257.

Longstreet, J. A., 94, 95, 155-158,
163-165, 167, 179, 185, 187, iS8,
190-193, 195 196, 198, 199, 202,
203, 205, 208, 214, 215, 217, 219,

222, 223, 230, 232-237, 239, 243,

257-260, 262, 263, 272, 277, 278,

281-283, 285, 289, 290, 294-296,

300-302, 310-312, 316, 318, 319,

324. 325. 349. 350. 354. 38o, 392,

397. 426.

"Lost Order," 195.
Louisiana Tigers, 290.
Lynchburg, 208, 209.
Lyons, Judge, 5.

McAlpine, J. A., 206.
McCall, General, 188.
McCandless, General, 288.
McCauly, Corporal, 95.

436

INDEX.

McCausland, General, 388.
McClellan, G. B., 154, 155, 157, 163,

175, 176, 177, 181-183, 185, 195,

196, 199, 200, 219, 220, 354, 425.
McGowan, General, 383.
Mclntosh, General, 203, 271.
MacKenzie, General, 384.
McKinley, President, 4ig.
McLane, 109.-
McLaws, General L., 163, 195-197,

201, 219, 222-223, 225, 227, 230,

236, 243, 249, 260, 280, 283, 287,

288, 294.

McMillan, Colonel, 223.
McPhail, Captain, 203.
Macon, M. C., 207.
Madison, James, 142-143, 145, 146.
Magruder, Colonel, 398.
Magruder, General J. B., 93, 96,

155, 156, 207, 211, 214.
Mahone, General, 169, 350, 380, 404.
Maish, Surgeon, 188.
Malvern Hill, 190, 208, 210, 214.
Manassas, 191 et seq., 208, 209, 215.
Manning, Captain, 161.
Mansfield, General, 200, 201.
Marshall, Lieutenant, 208.
Marshall, Judge, 132.
Martin, General, 334.
Martinsburg, 195, 196.
Marye, L. S., 207.
Marye, M., 210, 398.
Maury, R. L., 210.
Mayo, J., 209.

Mayo, Colonel R., 5, 188, 394, 398.
Meade, D., 206, 226, 244, 261, 265,

270, 27i, 274, 279-284. 295, 303,

356.

Meagher, General T. F., 183, 228-

230, 287.
Meredith, General, 273-275.

Meredith; Judge, 5.
Mexican War, 90 et seq.
Mexico, City of, 91, 95, 96, 129.
Milroy, General, 259.
Molino del Rey, 94, 95, 129.
Montague, E. B., 210, 398.
Monterey, 91.
Montezuma, 94.
Mumford, Colonel, 396.

Napoleon, 102, 104, 142, 231.
Napoleon III., 251.
Newbern report, 333 et seq.
Newton, General, 281.
Nootka Sound, 100.
Nootka treaty, 102.
Nullification, 144.

Oglethorpe, J., 131.
O'Neal, General, 275.
Oregon, 97 et seq. , 426.
Orizaba, 91.
O'Rourke, P., 286.
Otey, K., 210, 398.
Owens, J., 210.

Patton, W. T., 209, 398.
Peace Commission, 372 et seq.
Pegram, Colonel, 271, 382, 389, 391,

393, 396.
Pender, General, 265, 271, 276, 280,

283, 288, 295, 300.
Pendleton, General, 257, 310, 312,

366.

Perry, General, 289.
Petersburg, 337~344» 4°°-
Pettigrew, General, 165, 271, 274,

276, 295, 300, 305, 411.
Peyton, Colonel, 398.

INDEX.

437

Philadelphia Brigade, 409 et seq.

Phillips, Colonel J. J., 210, 298, 317,
320, 398.

Phillips, Dr. J. T., 320, 339.

Phillips, W., 136.

Pickett, Major C., 22, 158, 159, 161,
167, 169, 189, 206, 398.

Pickett, G. E., 90-98, in, 112, 114,
115, 117, 120, 123 et seq., 129,
150, 154, 157, 158, 167, 170, 176,
177, 179-182, 185-191, 193, 196,
198, 202, 203, 205-209, 213-219,
225, 226, 230, 234-239, 243, 260,
263, 280, 283, 293-313, 315-329,
331, 333, 336-345 et seq. , 353, 355,
359, 362, 363, 365, 37i, 374, 375
et seq., 379 et seq., 386 et seq.,
399-407, 408, 413, 425.

Pitt, 101.

Platt, Dr., 321.

Pleasanton, A., 219, 231, 246, 247,
258, 260, 284.

Plymouth, 206.

Polk, President, 215.

Pope, General, 191-194.

Porter, General, 163, 178, 183, 193,
204.

Preston, R. T., 154, 180, 398.

Pryor, General R., 159-161, 168,
169, 209.

Quincy, J., 142.
Quitman, General, 96.

Randolph, M., 87.
Randolph, W., 87.
Randolph, Secretary of War, 182.
Ransom, General, 222, 225, 230,

339, 347, 348, 382, 388-395, 397,

400.

Reid, 331.
Reid, Mayne, 96.
Reno, General, 196, 197.
Reynolds, General, 259, 265, 272,

273, 281.

Richards, Captain, 108, 120.
Richardson, General, 202, 310, 312
Richmond, i et seq., 86, 87, 170 et

seq., 400, 402, 403.
Ricketts, General, 201, 290.
Robertson, General, 192, 257, 285.
Rodes, General, 201, 202, 244, 262V

264, 265, 274, 275, 277, 283, 291.
Rodman, General, 202.
Rosario Strait, 105, 108-110.
Rosecrans, General, 256.
Rosser, General, u, 382, 383, 388,

393-

Rupert, Prince, 99, 105, 106.
Rust, A., 210.
Rutherford, J., 207.
Ryals, J., 206.

Sailor's Creek, 217, 218, 399-407.

Salem, 192.

Saltillo, 91.

San Antonio, 129, 212.

Sanborn, F. B., 135.

San Cosme, 96.

San Juan, 23, 105-121, 426, 427.

San Juan de Ulloa, 91.

Santa Anna, 92, 93, 96.

Saunders, B., 76.

Savage Station, 184.

Scales, General, 305.

Schimmelpfennig, General, 275, 276,

Schurz, General C., 275.

Scott, R. T., 206, 398.

Scott, W. S., 90-92, 96, 112, 121.

Secession, 139 et seq.

438

INDEX.

Sedgwick, General, 165, 188, 201,

245, 248, 249, 265, 281, 295.
Seven Pines, 162 et seq., 175, 209,

214, 217.

Seward, Secretary, 372, 373.
Shaw, Colonel, 332.
Shenandoah, 176.
Sheridan, Phil., 350, 354, 376, 381,

384 et seq., 403-405, 407.
Sherman, E. A., 90, 95.
Sherman, W. T., 60, 371.
Sickles, General, 244, 247, 248, 275,

279, 281, 283, 284, 287, 291, 294,

295-

Sigel, General, 241.
Simpson, R. H., 349.
Skinner, F. G., 209.
Slaughter, P. P., 175, 180, 211, 398.
Slavery, 130 et seq.
Slocum, General, 188, 244, 246, 261,

279, 281, 291.
Smith, Captain, 360.
Smith, General, 276.
Smith, G. W., 155, 156, 163-166.
Smith,W. F.,354, 356.
Snelling, J. G. S., 88, 94.
Sorrel, G. M., 161, 180.
South Mountain, 195, 196.
Spain, 250.

Stanton, Secretary, 59.
Stearns, G. L., 135.
Steinwehr, General, 277, 381.
Stephens, Alexander, 372, 373.
Stevens, A. H., 4, 6, 7.
Stevens, Colonel, 290, 348.
Stevens, Governor, 427.
Stewart, General, 406.
Stone, General, 274, 276.
Stoneman, General, 243.
Strange, J. R., 154* J59, 170, 180,

188, 189, 197, 210, 218, 398.

Stribling, R. M., 208, 238, 239.
Stuart, J. E. B., 191, 192, 197, 208,

219, 248, 257-261, 265, 294.
Stuart, W. D., 175, 203, 206, 211,

380, 388-391, 393, 395, 398.
Stultz, G., 206.
Sturgis, General, 202, 230.
Suckley, Dr. George, 14, 19, 22, 23,

24, 26.

Suffolk, 208, 209, 236.
Sullivan, I. E., 208.
Sumner, General E. V., 163, 165,

201, 220-222, 224, 230, 231, 242.

Sykes, General, 245, 281, 286, 295.
Symington, W. S., 189, 206, 398.

Taliaferro, General, 192, 225, 226.
Taylor, General Z., 91, 192, 214,

215-

Taylor, W. H., 363, 393, 398.
Terry, General, 210, 331, 337, 339,

347, 348, 380, 383, 384, 388, 390,

393-398, 406.

Texas, 90, 96, 129 147, 212, 426.
Thompson, A., 371.
Thoroughfare Gap, 192.
Tomlin, H. B., 210.
Toombs, General, 202, 208.
Tree, Ellen, 73.
Trimble, General, 244, 295,300, 302,

305-

Turkey Island, 8, 86 et seq., 208.
Turner's Gap, 196, 197.
Twiggs, General, 93.
Tyler, Dr., 366.
Tyler, President, 214.

Underwriter, 335.
Utrecht, treaty of, 102.

INDEX.

439

Vancouver's Island, ioo, 105, 107-1 10.

Velasco, 93.

Vera Cruz, 90-92, 95, 129.

Vincent, General, 286.

Virginia resolutions, 141.

W
Wadsworth, General, 273, 277, 281,

291.
Walker, General J. G., 155, 195,

198, 201.
Wallace, T. P., 206, 382, 388, 389,

391-396.

Walter, Colonel, 170.
Walton, General, 227.
Warren, General, 285, 286, 356, 383,

384, 388, 389,391, 395, 396.
Waterloo Bridge, 191.
Watts, W., 210.
Weed, General, 199, 286.
Weiderick, General, 290.
Weitzel, General, 4.

Wessells, General, 337.

White, W., 210, 398.

White House, 184, 262.

Whitford, 333.

Whiting, General, 165, 179, 180,

182, 186, 346-349.
Whitlock, J., 206.
Wilcox, General, 155, 157-159, 169,

289, 295, 302, 397, 400.
Wilderness, 353, 356.
Williams, A. W., 206.
Williams, L. B., 209.
Williamsburg, 154 et seg., 175, 215.
Wise, General, 342, 383, 405.
Withers, Colonel R. E., 154, ivo,

179, 180, 210, 398.
Wood, R. T., 331, 333-335-
Wright, General, 202, 289, 311.

York, 257.
Yorktown, 156, 262.
Young, 363.

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